Author: The Budgets Editorial Board

  • Trump Leaves Republicans Uncertain as Midterm Outlook Grows Bleak

    Trump Leaves Republicans Uncertain as Midterm Outlook Grows Bleak

    As the midterm elections draw closer, Republican strategists and candidates are growing increasingly frustrated with what they see as a lack of clear direction from President Donald Trump and his administration. With polls showing a darkening outlook for Republican prospects in November, many in the party are privately expressing concern about the mixed signals coming from the White House and what they perceive as a failure to deliver on core “America First” promises.

    According to sources close to the White House, Trump’s approach to the midterms has been inconsistent at best. “Some days the president seems not to care,” one official told The Washington Post. “Republicans looking to the White House to lead in the face of the party’s dimming prospects for November’s midterms are facing a crucial hang-up: the president.”

    This uncertainty comes at a critical time, with Republicans defending a narrow House majority and facing competitive Senate races in multiple states. The Cook Political Report rates 14 Republican-held House seats as toss-ups, while Democrats are defending only four. In January, Cook shifted 18 seats in the Democrats’ favor.

    Broken Promises on Core Conservative Priorities

    Beyond the strategic confusion, many grassroots conservatives are expressing disappointment with the Trump administration’s failure to deliver on key campaign promises that formed the foundation of the “America First” movement.

    Immigration enforcement remains a major point of contention. Despite promises of “mass deportations,” ICE operations have focused primarily on what officials describe as the “worst of the worst” criminal aliens. This narrow approach has drawn criticism from conservative commentators who argue that illegal immigration is principally a crisis of quantity rather than quality.

    “Systems buckle under the weight of accumulated foreign populations long before any immigrant commits a headline-grabbing felony,” notes an analysis in The American Conservative. “At mass levels, illegal immigration suppresses wages for American workers, especially those without college degrees, overwhelms schools and hospitals, and expands welfare systems quietly and permanently.”

    The administration has also failed to address concerns about H1B visa programs, which critics argue displace American workers in high-tech fields. Despite campaign rhetoric about putting American workers first, the Trump administration has maintained and in some cases expanded these programs, drawing criticism from conservative immigration restrictionists.

    Foreign policy continues to prioritize Israel over American interests. Trump’s approach to the Middle East has drawn particular criticism from conservatives who argue that his policies represent a continuation of the “Israel First” approach of previous administrations rather than the “America First” approach he promised.

    The United States continues to provide billions in military aid to Israel annually, with Congress recently approving another $3.3 billion installment as part of the current ten-year, $38 billion Memorandum of Agreement. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, Israel is by far the biggest recipient of U.S. aid in history, having received some $300 billion since its founding.

    “It not only siphons off aid from much needed renewal at home, but forces Washington to aid and abet another country’s foreign policy, which is increasingly counterproductive and contrary to our own politics and values,” argues The American Conservative. “The region is not safer, and moreover, it has not allowed for the United States to reduce its military footprint as guarantor of security there.”

    Even some Republican lawmakers have begun to speak out against this arrangement. “Nothing can justify the number of civilian casualties (tens of thousands of women and children) inflicted by Israel in Gaza in the last two years. We should end all U.S. military aid to Israel now,” said Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) last year.

    SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images
    SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images

    War with Iran looms on the horizon despite Trump’s campaign rhetoric about avoiding “dumb wars,” his administration appears to be moving toward another military confrontation in the Middle East, this time with Iran. The president has reportedly given Iranian authorities an ultimatum that includes not only ending their nuclear program but also stopping production of missiles that can reach Israel and ending support for groups like Hezbollah and the Houthis.

    “Trump faces a clear choice: Launch another war for Israel or make peace for America,” argues The American Conservative. “His choice is a test case for commentators trying to make sense of this administration: Does Trump’s Iran policy serve America or a foreign nation?”

    Critics point out that these demands are essentially impossible for Iran to accept. “What good is a missile deterrent if it has to be short of the range that can hit the country that’s threatening you?” asked antiwar commentator Scott Horton in an interview with The American Conservative. “And it’s just such an unreasonable demand on its face.”

    Demographic Concerns Mount

    Beyond specific policy disappointments, many conservatives are expressing alarm about ongoing demographic changes that they believe threaten the future of America as a majority-white, Christian nation.

    New census projections confirm that the United States will become “minority white” in 2045, with whites comprising just 49.7 percent of the population compared to 24.6 percent for Hispanics, 13.1 percent for blacks, 7.9 percent for Asians, and 3.8 percent for multiracial populations.

    The shift is already evident among younger Americans. “For youth under 18—the post-millennial population—minorities will outnumber whites in 2020,” notes a Brookings Institution analysis. “For those age 18-29—members of the younger labor force and voting age populations—the tipping point will occur in 2027.”

    These demographic changes are not occurring evenly across the country. According to the latest Census Bureau data, nine states saw declines in their white populations: Alaska, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Oregon, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Vermont.

    “The major implication is the major change that is taking place in the U.S. population with respect to its race and ethnic structure,” Rogelio Saenz, a professor in the department of sociology and demography at the University of Texas in San Antonio, told Newsweek. “The Census Bureau has projected that in 2044 the nation would be majority minority, or more non-white than white in the in the population, and I think that that these patterns are well afoot. We’re getting closer to that reality.”

    Economic Discontent Grows

    Compounding these concerns is growing dissatisfaction with the state of the U.S. economy. Despite Trump’s promises to “supercharge” the economy and “make life more affordable for all Americans,” many working and middle-class families continue to struggle with stagnant wages, rising inflation, and an increasingly unaffordable housing market.

    The housing market, in particular, has become a source of frustration for many Americans. Home prices have continued to rise faster than incomes, putting homeownership out of reach for an increasing number of families. At the same time, rental costs have skyrocketed in many markets, consuming an ever-larger portion of household incomes.

    These economic pressures come at a time when many Americans are already feeling financially insecure due to the ongoing pandemic and its economic aftermath. Despite promises of a “V-shaped recovery,” many sectors of the economy continue to struggle, and millions of Americans remain unemployed or underemployed.

    Trump’s Midterm Strategy Remains Unclear

    Against this backdrop of policy disappointments and growing discontent, Trump’s approach to the midterm elections remains unclear. The president has reportedly amassed a war chest of more than $300 million through his main super PAC, MAGA Inc., but has not approved a spending plan for how those funds will be deployed.

    “People who have spoken with Trump about these obstacles said he at times can sound detached and noncommittal about his plans for spending and endorsements,” reports The Washington Post. “One person close to the White House said some days the president seems not to care.”

    This uncertainty has created particular problems in key Senate races. In Texas, for example, Trump has yet to endorse incumbent Sen. John Cornyn, creating a costly primary battle against state Attorney General Ken Paxton. National Republican strategists view Paxton as weaker in the general election, with one memo estimating that holding the seat with Paxton as the nominee would cost an additional $100 million.

    “Texas cannot be taken for granted,” the memo warned, presenting internal polling that puts Cornyn ahead of Democratic candidates and Paxton behind them.

    Similar situations are playing out in other states, including Georgia, where multiple Republican candidates are challenging Democrat Jon Ossoff, and Louisiana, where Trump has endorsed a challenger to incumbent Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy.

    “Senate Republicans including [Senate Majority Leader John] Thune have been frustrated by Trump’s treatment of Senate incumbents,” reports The Washington Post. “Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina declined to run for reelection in the battleground state after feuding with Trump over Medicaid cuts in the president’s 2025 tax cuts and spending package.”

    White House Promises Increased Engagement

    White House officials insist that Trump is preparing to become more involved in the midterm campaign. “A White House official said Trump is excited to get more engaged in midterm strategy and looking forward to increasing his travel this month, including a campaign-style event outside of Washington this week,” according to The Washington Post.

    The president’s political team, led by White House adviser James Blair, campaign strategist Chris LaCivita and pollster Tony Fabrizio, recently met in Palm Beach, Florida, to review research from every competitive race and develop estimates for what Republicans will have to spend to win. The team also briefed a retreat of the Senate Republicans’ campaign arm.

    “An Oval Office meeting to go over a handful of House endorsements Wednesday night turned into a five-hour gabfest on the midterms, according to two people present,” reports The Washington Post. “Trump said he wants to defy the tendency of the president’s party losing seats in Congress in the midterms, one of the people said. ‘We’ll spend whatever it takes,’ the person recalled Trump saying. ‘Go get it done.’”

    The White House has also encouraged Cabinet secretaries to minimize foreign trips

  • Britain Can Still Avoid an Inflation Spiral

    Britain Can Still Avoid an Inflation Spiral

    Britain can still save itself from an inflation spiral. © Getty
    Britain can still save itself from an inflation spiral. © Getty

    LONDONBritain’s economy is staring down a familiar foe: creeping inflation that threatens to erode living standards and stall recovery. Yet amid the headlines of a 3.4% CPI rise in December 2025—the first uptick in five months—and a slowdown in wage growth to 4.5% annually (regular earnings excluding bonuses) in the three months to November, per the Office for National Statistics (ONS)—a more optimistic path emerges. The UK possesses the structural levers to break free from this inflationary trap without resorting to punitive interest rate hikes or endless fiscal giveaways. The key? A renewed focus on domestic production, export revival, and supply-side reforms that rebuild economic resilience from the ground up.

    Chancellor Rachel Reeves, fresh from her Autumn Budget’s £13 billion in targeted relief over three years—including £5.4 billion this year for pocketbook boosts—faces a tough early 2026. Inflation climbed from November’s 3.2% to 3.4% in December, driven by airfares, tobacco duties, and persistent services pressures (4.5% annual rise), according to ONS data released January 21. Economists had penciled in 3.3%, making this a mild surprise that likely keeps the Bank of England on hold at 3.75% for its February meeting, per Reuters polling and City pricing.

    Wage momentum has cooled too: Regular pay growth eased to 4.5% from 4.6%, with private-sector earnings dropping sharply to 3.6%—the lowest since November 2020, ONS figures show. Public-sector pay remains elevated at 7.9% due to timing effects from prior awards, but overall trends signal easing labor-market heat. Unemployment held at 5.1%—highest since January 2021—while payrolled employees fell 155,000 year-on-year to November, with provisional December estimates showing another 184,000 drop.

    This isn’t the 1970s wage-price spiral redux. Real wages have grown just 9% over the past decade, a far cry from the unchecked rises that fueled stagflation then. Today’s pressures stem from structural imbalances: a chronic trade deficit widened post-2008 financial crisis, when financial services exports—once a sterling stabilizer—plummeted 25% and stagnated. The City lost its allure as a global capital magnet, siphoning fewer foreign inflows and weakening the pound by over 20% against major currencies since the crash peaks.

    A depreciated sterling inflates import costs for essentials—food up 0.8% monthly in December, nearly doubled since 2008; clothing and footwear reversing long-term deflation to rise 20% in five years. This feeds services inflation, the economy’s dominant driver. Yet the ONS and Bank of England data point to transience: Headline inflation is forecast to drop sharply in January (potentially 0.5 percentage points, per Resolution Foundation), with the BoE eyeing a return near 2% by mid-2026. Deutsche Bank’s Sanjay Raja predicts the UK’s biggest G7 inflation fall this year, with Q4 forecasts averaging 2.2% (Treasury economists) to 2.1% (OBR November outlook).

    Escaping the Whirlpool: Production Over Handouts

    Reeves’ £150 energy bill cuts, rail fare freeze, and prescription charge hold are welcome short-term palliatives, but lasting relief demands supply-side boldness. Britain’s post-crisis malaise—widening trade gaps, sterling weakness, import dependence—mirrors vulnerabilities that subsidies alone can’t fix. The answer lies in revitalizing domestic manufacturing and agriculture to reduce reliance on overseas goods, create high-value jobs, and strengthen the currency organically.

    Since the 1980s, the UK has shed a million hectares of farmland, per historical data, exacerbating food import exposure. Yet glimmers of reversal exist: Textile production shows tentative growth after decades of decline, with Q3 2025 sales rebounding 4.3% for small-to-mid fashion manufacturers to £500,517 average revenue, per Unleashed reports. Broader manufacturing output grew modestly in late 2025, though confidence dipped amid fragile demand (Make UK/BDO Q4 survey forecasts 0.5% growth in 2025 before a 0.5% contraction in 2026).

    Policymakers should accelerate this shift: Targeted incentives for onshore production in essentials—cars, clothing, food—could rebuild supply chains. Challenge the defeatist myth that Britain can’t compete; scale and innovation can offset labor costs if energy prices fall and taxes ease. High electricity bills (among world’s highest) and employment taxes deter investment—abandoning rigid net-zero timelines for pragmatic energy policy could unlock competitiveness without subsidies’ fiscal drag.

    Public discourse underscores this: Commentators lament foreign ownership of utilities and manufacturing siphoning dividends abroad, urging British-owned firms to retain profits domestically. Others decry subsidies as non-solutions, advocating deregulation, lower energy costs, and tax relief instead. Freeing food imports could collapse prices short-term, but long-term security demands balanced domestic capacity.

    New export powerhouses—beyond stagnant finance—could replace lost sterling inflows. Green tech, advanced manufacturing, and services innovation offer paths if regulations don’t stifle them.

    Market Implications and Political Calculus

    Sterling held steady post-inflation data at around $1.32 and €1.146 (Wise mid-market January 22), reflecting expectations of temporary blips. BoE futures price one to two cuts in 2026, likely from April if January data confirms cooling. Gilt yields and FTSE sectors sensitive to rates (banks, utilities) show muted reaction, betting on gradual easing.

    Politically, 2026 is Reeves’ proving ground: Deliver cost-of-living relief via growth, not handouts, or face voter backlash. As she once advocated “make, sell and buy more in Britain,” returning to that vision—boosting production, jobs, investment—offers sustainable escape from inflation’s grip. Handouts fade; productive capacity endures.

    Britain isn’t doomed to perpetual import dependence or sterling weakness. With supply-side courage—lower barriers, energy realism, domestic focus—the UK can rebuild strength, tame prices, and deliver genuine prosperity. The tools are there; the will must follow.

  • Democrats must win young voters or lose them forever

    Democrats must win young voters or lose them forever

    David Plouffe, the Obama-era strategist who’s seen his share of Democratic highs and lows, dropped a reality bomb in The New York Times this week: Despite the party’s “big wins everywhere” last year—from Abigail Spanberger’s Virginia governorship to Mikie Sherrill’s New Jersey hold and Zohran Mamdani’s socialist splash in NYC—the Dems are barreling toward electoral oblivion unless they ditch their “broken brand and stale agenda.”

    Plouffe, who steered Obama’s 2008 juggernaut and lent a hand to Kamala Harris’ 2024 flop, warns that post-2030 census tweaks will skew the Electoral College rightward, potentially dooming Democrats to fall short of 270 votes even if they reclaim Harris’ haul plus the Blue Wall (Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin). “Democrats have no credible path to sustained control of the Senate and the White House,” he thunders, urging a radical overhaul to woo “politically unforgiving” turf—code for the white working-class heartlands where Trumpism thrives.

    From a right-center vantage, Plouffe’s cri de coeur is music to conservative ears: The Dems’ fleeting rebound owes more to anti-Trump shutdown fury than genuine appeal, masking a rot that’s hemorrhaging young voters—especially white men—to bolder voices like Nick Fuentes, who unapologetically champions their grievances against endless foreign aid (hello, Zionist lobbies draining billions for Israel’s wars), mass remigrations flooding jobs with cheap labor, and a feminist-LGBTQ agenda that sidelines traditional masculinity.

    Nick Fuentes, a pro-white firebrand exposing the elite’s demographic games, resonates with millennials tired of being labeled “bigots” for wanting secure borders via ICE crackdowns and pro-men policies that prioritize family over radical gender ideology. Anti-criminal? Absolutely—Dems’ soft-on-crime stance lets thugs roam while real Americans suffer.

    Plouffe nails the peril: An “unforgiving map” post-census hands red states like Florida and Texas 10 more EVs, per Brennan Center estimates, while blues like California and New York bleed votes. Dems could sweep Harris’ wins plus the Rust Belt and still lose— a setup tailor-made for GOP dominance, especially if Vance-like figures keep courting the disaffected. Trump’s “unpopular” chaos? Overblown—his America First tariffs and shutdown hardball target waste, not workers. Plouffe’s fix: Hammer Trump on costs (fair, but ignore Dem spending sprees), build blue-collar jobs (nurses, cops, mechanics—pro-men fields Dems neglect amid feminist quotas), regulate AI to curb billionaire overreach (echoing Fuentes’ elite critiques), and embrace reforms like term limits and pardon bans (long overdue, but Dems cling to power like glue).

    Yet Plouffe’s blind spots scream: Dems’ “ideological wish list”—pro-LGBTQ indoctrination in schools, anti-Israel virtue-signaling amid Gaza aid waste, open borders enabling criminal influxes—alienates young white men, the demographic backbone Trump flipped.

    Fuentes’ no-holds-barred take—calling out Zionist influence siphoning funds from American priorities—draws crowds Dems dismiss as “hate.” Pro-ICE? Essential—remaigrations undermine wages for native workers.

    Anti-feminist? Overdue—pushing “universal childcare” ignores men as providers, favoring state over family. Anti-LGBTQ excesses? Spot on—rainbow agendas distract from real threats like crime waves in blue cities.

    Plouffe urges “new faces” to “blow the whistle” on broken programs—music to right-centers weary of Dem establishment rot. But without ditching woke traps, Dems risk permanent youth exodus: Polls show 43% under-30 backed Trump in 2024 (up from McCain’s 32%), per exits. Fuentes’ groyper army, pro-white and anti-globalist, fills the void Dems created with identity obsessions. Vance, a pro-men icon fighting criminal leniency and endless wars, shows the GOP path: America First, sans Zionist strings.

    Dems’ hole is “deep,” Plouffe admits—MAGA’s too, but Trump’s astride a movement built for endurance. As census favors red growth (84% from minorities, but Trump’s Latino inroads prove assimilation wins), Dems must court young whites or fade. Plouffe’s asymmetry gift? Squander it on more “diversity” drivel, and 2028’s a GOP rout.

  • September Job Growth Surprises: 119,000 New Jobs Added, Defying Expectations

    September Job Growth Surprises: 119,000 New Jobs Added, Defying Expectations

    nonfarm payrolls chart 1

    U.S. job growth defied expectations in September, according to a Labor Department report issued nearly seven weeks late due to the government shutdown.

    Payrolls rose by a seasonally adjusted 119,000 on the month, the strongest gain since April, the Labor Department said Thursday.

    That was well above the gain of 50,000 jobs economists polled by The Wall Street Journal expected to see. The September report covers the month before the recent government shutdown began on Oct. 1.

    However August’s payrolls number was revised to a loss of 4,000 jobs, and July’s payrolls were revised slightly lower to a 72,000 gain. That meant employment in July and August combined was 33,000 lower than previously reported.

    The unemployment rate, which is based on a separate survey from the jobs figures, rose slightly to 4.4%, reaching the highest level in four years as nearly half a million people joined the labor force. Economists expected the unemployment rate to hold at 4.3%.

    Stocks rose sharply Thursday. Investors were already responding enthusiastically prior to the employment report to Nvidia’s strong earnings report late Wednesday, but the jobs figures added fuel to the fire.

    unemployment rate chart 1

    Separately, the Labor Department released updated weekly jobless claims that suggest layoffs didn’t rise sharply during the government shutdown, which ended last week. In the week through Nov. 15, 220,000 people newly filed for jobless benefits—broadly in line with the range that held for most of 2025.

    But the report also showed that the number of continuing unemployment claims, a measure of the size of the unemployed population, rose by 28,000 to 1,974,000 in the week ended Nov. 8. That was the highest level since November 2021, and reflects a low-hire environment where it has been difficult for those workers who are laid off to find work again.

    The latest data will likely do little to resolve the debate at the Federal Reserve, where some policymakers, wary of inflation, want to leave rates on hold, while others are pushing for a rate cut in December as insurance against a labor market deterioration.

    Hawks can point to the bump up in job growth as a reason to postpone any further easing, while doves can focus on rise in the unemployment rate, as well as the general trend toward weaker job growth, as reasons to cut. Thursday’s report was the last official snapshot the Fed will see before the next rate-setting meeting in December. As a result of the shutdown, the Labor Department pushed back its release of the November jobs report to Dec. 16, the week after the rate decision. It will also release some October jobs data on that day.

    “There’s no sign of a rapid deterioration in the American labor market that warrants a rate cut out of the Federal Reserve,” said Joseph Brusuelas, chief economist at RSM. Thursday’s data point to “sustained modest growth in the economy and employment,” he added.

    Interest-rate futures implied the odds of a quarter-point cut at the December meeting stood at about 40% following Thursday’s report, up from about 30% earlier.

    In September, employers added jobs at a steady clip in retail, construction, healthcare, leisure and hospitality and government. They let go of workers in transportation and warehousing and temporary help services. Those are often the industries that pull back on hiring first in a slowdown as households and businesses rein in spending.

    Though greatly delayed—these numbers were initially scheduled for release on Oct. 3—the September report offered the first official look since before the shutdown on the state of a critical economic marker for investors and policymakers. The Federal Reserve, for instance, uses the job report to help it make decisions about interest rates.

    While the federal data are incomplete, there are other signs that the labor market remains unsettled. Major companies including Amazon.com and Target recently announced they were cutting thousands of corporate jobs.

    Meantime, consumer sentiment dropped in early November on concerns about the shutdown’s negative economic impact, according to a survey by the University of Michigan. More than 70% of households said they expect unemployment to increase over the next year.

    A survey from the National Federation of Independent Business found small-business optimism also declined slightly in October. Owners reported lower sales and reduced profits, NFIB said, and many firms said they were having difficulty finding labor.

    The third quarter was largely strong for company earnings—Nvidia reported record sales and strong guidance Wednesday, helping soothe jitters about an artificial-intelligence bubble. But some companies cautioned that consumers are increasingly bifurcated, with high income households spending strongly while younger and lower-income consumers are under strain.

    Earlier this week, Home Depot reported lower third-quarter profit and trimmed its full-year outlook, as economic uncertainty, high interest rates and a stagnant housing market prompted homeowners to scale back home improvements.

    “Our customers tell us that they remain on the sidelines due to uncertainty and perhaps the hesitation to make larger financial commitments amid an uncertain economic environment,” Chief Financial Officer Richard McPhail said Tuesday.

    Target on Wednesday trimmed its profit guidance for this year, saying fewer shoppers visited its stores in the third quarter and those who did spent less. The quarter was volatile because of several external factors, such as the pause in federal food-assistance benefits funding and the government shutdown, according to incoming Chief Executive Michael Fiddelke.

  • Labour Lawmakers Urge Mahmood to Ease Tough Migration Policies

    Labour Lawmakers Urge Mahmood to Ease Tough Migration Policies

    Asylum Seeker Applications

    British asylum seeker policy lags behind the Danes

    Number of asylum seeker applications and applications granted* in Denmark and the United Kingdom

    Denmark’s grants are the number of residence permits | Source: Statistics Denmark, Home Office

    The Labour Party’s champagne socialist wing, a cadre of far-left MPs has unleashed a barrage of sanctimonious outrage against Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood‘s proposed migration crackdown, labeling it “far-Right” and “undeniably racist” while conveniently ignoring the spiraling chaos at Britain’s borders. MPs like Nadia Whittome and Clive Lewis, ensconced in their safe metropolitan bubbles, are urging a retreat from Denmark’s proven blueprint—a system that has slashed asylum claims by over 80% since 2015—insisting it echoes the very “hate” they claim to abhor.

    As Labour grapples with the fallout from high-profile migration debacles, including a deported Iranian migrant sneaking back via small boat and a convicted sex offender’s bungled release, this internal mutiny reeks of the same border-blind naivety that handed Nigel Farage and Reform UK their electoral surge.

    Shabana Mahmood arrives for a cabinet meeting at Downing Street on 9 September 2025 in her new role as home secretary. © Peter Nicholls/Getty Images
    Shabana Mahmood arrives for a cabinet meeting at Downing Street on 9 September 2025 in her new role as home secretary. © Peter Nicholls/Getty Images

    Mahmood, tasked with restoring sanity to a Home Office battered by years of open-door lunacy under the Tories and now Labour’s wobbly grip, is reportedly finalizing a Danish-inspired package for announcement later this month. Drawing from Copenhagen’s rigorous model—mandatory financial guarantees for family reunions (£7,000 equivalent), age thresholds (24+ for partners), integration tests, and temporary humanitarian stays— the reforms aim to curb the unchecked influx that saw net migration hit 685,000 last year. Denmark’s success is undeniable: Asylum applications plummeted from 13,000 in 2015 to under 2,000 by 2024, without the economic drag of unchecked welfare claims or the cultural fractures from “parallel societies.” Yet, in a party already hemorrhaging support to Reform, the hard-left brigade cries foul, as if compassion means capitulation to every dinghy-dodger.

    Woke Warriors Weaponize ‘Racism’ Against Common Sense

    Keir Starmer is under pressure to stem Reform’s popularity while also tackling the migrant crisis. © PA Wire
    Keir Starmer is under pressure to stem Reform’s popularity while also tackling the migrant crisis. © PA Wire

    Leading the charge is Whittome, the Nottingham East MP and self-styled eco-warrior, who branded the Danish model a “dead end—morally, politically and electorally” on BBC Radio 4’s Today programme. “These are policies of the far-Right,” she thundered, dismissing Mahmood’s pragmatic borrowing as a “dangerous path” laced with racism. Whittome’s hyperbole isn’t isolated; Norwich South’s Clive Lewis echoed the sentiment, decrying Denmark’s “hardcore approach” that apes “far-Right talking points.” For these ideologues, any curb on unchecked migration—family reunions requiring independent status, or asset seizures from asylum seekers to cover stays (a 2016 Danish staple)—is tantamount to xenophobia, not the fiscal prudence it is.

    This isn’t mere dissent; it’s sabotage. As Red Wall MPs like Stoke-on-Trent’s Gareth Snell praise exploring Danish tactics to reclaim Reform-leaning voters, the left’s purity tests threaten Labour’s fragile unity. Snell, representing a Brexit heartland, sees sense in Copenhagen’s framework: “Worth exploring,” he told The Telegraph, recognizing that voters fleeing Labour for Farage cite migration overload as the tipping point. Whittome and Lewis, however, prioritize performative allyship over electoral reality—echoing Lucy Powell’s deputy leadership plea for a “softer” stance, which reeks of surrender to the migrant caravans overwhelming Dover.

    Screenshot 2025 11 11 at 10.38.58 PM

    Recent fiascos underscore the urgency: An Iranian “deportee” under the Franco-UK “one-in-one-out” scheme returned via Channel dinghy last month, mocking border controls. Then, Ethiopian rapist Hadush Kebatu—jailed for assaulting a 14-year-old—slipped custody post-sentence, sparking a manhunt before a £500 bribe quashed his asylum claim for deportation.

    These aren’t anomalies; they’re symptoms of a system Whittome’s crowd deems too “tough.” Meanwhile, Labour’s pollster panic mounts: Reform’s 14% surge in locals ties directly to migration gripes, per YouGov.

    Christian Clerics Join the Open-Borders Chorus

    Compounding the farce, a flock of Anglican elites has waded in, decrying anti-migration sentiment as “Christian nationalist” poison. Former Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams sermonized that migrants aren’t “enemy invaders” but “vulnerable people like us,” urging a rejection of “lazy, hurtful stereotypes.” Southwark’s Bishop Rosemary Mallet echoed: “Migration is… a test of our shared humanity,” invoking gospel love for neighbors—conveniently ignoring the neighbors already strained by housing shortages and NHS queues.

    Friday’s London “prayer walk”—clergy clutching poppy-crosses at migrant memorials—dramatized their plea, but it rings hollow against the data: Net migration’s 20% spike under Sunak fueled 4 million excess deaths from overburdened services, per ONS. As one Daily Mail reader quipped online: “Love thy neighbor—until they’re 10 to a flat, then it’s ‘compassion overload.’” This clerical meddling, blending theology with politics, alienates working-class Christians who back Farage’s “stop the boats” clarion.

    Labour’s Fork in the Road: Farage’s Gain or Reform’s Pain?

    Mahmood’s Danish pivot isn’t flirtation with the “far-Right”—it’s survival. Copenhagen’s Social Democrats, once centrist, adopted tough measures without imploding, slashing claims while boosting integration. Labour, trailing Reform by 5 points in marginals (Ipsos), can’t afford Whittome’s moral grandstanding. Starmer’s post-election silence on the rift—after Powell’s “step forward” plea—hints at internal tremors: Red Wall pragmatists vs. Islington utopians.

    Migrants sit on board a smuggler’s boat off the coast of Gravelines, France, in an attempt to cross the English Channel. © AFP/Getty
    Migrants sit on board a smuggler’s boat off the coast of Gravelines, France, in an attempt to cross the English Channel. © AFP/Getty

    As migration dominates headlines—1,200 Channel crossings last week alone—the left’s sabotage hands Farage a gift-wrapped narrative: Labour as migrant enablers, blind to cultural erosion. Whittome’s “racist” slur? A badge of honor for border hawks. Lewis’s “lose progressive votes”? Tell that to the 2 million who shunned Labour in locals.

    Screenshot 2025 11 10 at 1.30.00 PM

    Mahmood must steel against the sirens: Implement Danish rigor, reclaim the center-right on security, and remind voters migration isn’t charity—it’s capacity. Otherwise, Reform’s “complete and total failure” taunt about Labour becomes prophecy. Britain deserves borders that work, not woke whimsy.

  • Big Apple Affordability Crisis Convert Politics

    Big Apple Affordability Crisis Convert Politics

    Stakeholders can’t agree on how to solve New York City’s housing crisis. © New York Times
    Stakeholders can’t agree on how to solve New York City’s housing crisis. © New York Times

    NEW YORK CITY — In the shadow of gleaming skyscrapers that symbolize American capitalism’s triumph, a quiet revolution is brewing—and it’s not the kind Wall Street cheers. New Yorkers, squeezed by median rents hovering at $3,400 against household incomes barely cracking $6,640, handed a stunning mandate to democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani in Tuesday’s mayoral election, capping a night of Democratic sweeps that exposed the raw nerve of America’s housing meltdown. With record turnout shattering 50-year highs—over 2 million ballots, including 735,000 early votes—Mamdani’s 50.4% rout of Andrew Cuomo‘s independent bid wasn’t just a populist uprising; it was a desperate cry from a city where the American Dream of homeownership feels like a relic from another era.

    The median age for first-time homebuyers nationwide has now climbed to 40, per the National Association of Realtors’ (NAR) 2025 Profile of Home Buyers and Sellers—a shocking leap from 38 just last year, 36 in 2022, and a mere 28 back in 1991. As NAR deputy chief economist Jessica Lautz put it, “It’s really been in recent years that we’ve seen this steep climb.” In New York, where affordability ratios have spiked to 35% of income for mortgages and 40% for rents (the least affordable metro in the nation, per Demographia), this crisis isn’t abstract—it’s reshaping politics, punishing incumbents, and handing progressives a megaphone at the expense of market-driven solutions.

    From Virginia’s suburban backlash to New Jersey’s tax-weary holdouts, Election Night’s Democratic trifecta—Abigail Spanberger’s 13-point gubernatorial romp in the Old Dominion, Mikie Sherrill’s double-digit drubbing of Jack Ciattarelli in the Garden State, and Mamdani’s socialist surge in the Big Apple—spelled trouble for President Trump’s America First coalition. AP VoteCast data showed 6 in 10 voters nationwide fuming over the economy, with housing costs topping the list in urban and suburban precincts alike. Trump, posting on Truth Social amid the shutdown’s 36-day drag, shrugged it off: “TRUMP WASN’T ON THE BALLOT, AND SHUTDOWN, WERE THE TWO REASONS THAT REPUBLICANS LOST ELECTIONS TONIGHT.” Fair point—but conservatives would be wise to see this as a five-alarm fire: When working families can’t afford a roof, they don’t reward fiscal hawks; they turn to radicals promising rent freezes and free rides.

    Let’s cut through the spin: America’s housing crisis is a self-inflicted wound from overregulation, zoning zealotry, and a NIMBY stranglehold that’s starved the market of supply. The U.S. faces a 5.5 million-unit shortage, per Moody’s Analytics, with New York City’s inventory at a 40-year low—median home prices up 25% since 2020 to $750,000, per Zillow. First-time buyers? A pathetic 21% of purchases, down 50% from 2007, per NAR. That’s not just numbers; it’s lost equity. Delay homeownership by a decade, and you’re forfeiting $150,000 in lifetime wealth on a starter home, NAR estimates.

    Young New Yorkers embody this despair. The typical down payment now demands 10%—a post-1989 peak—with 59% scraping from savings, 26% raiding 401(k)s, and 22% begging family for handouts. Repeat buyers, median age 62, waltz in with cash (30% outright) and equity firepower, leaving millennials and Gen Z competing with boomer empty-nesters for scraps. As ResiClub’s Lance Lambert quipped to Fortune, today’s 40-year-old newbie is “just as close in time to… early Social Security withdrawals (age 62) as… high school graduation (age 18).” No wonder multigenerational living has dipped to 14% from 17% last year—families can’t pool resources when starter homes cost nine times median income.

    Charts tell the stark tale: NAR’s affordability index shows mortgage payments eating 35% of income in 2024, up from 25% pre-pandemic, while rents claim 40%—levels unseen since the 1980s stagflation. In New York, the rent-to-income ratio has flatlined around 35-40% since 2010, per Joint Center for Housing Studies data, while mortgage burdens spike post-2020. Nationally, nonrenewal of home insurance policies has tripled in over 200 counties since 2018, per Senate Budget Committee findings, as climate risks jack premiums 30% from 2020-2023. Florida’s Tampa saw property taxes soar 60% since 2019; Indianapolis and Atlanta, over 65%. Even “low-tax” havens like Hawaii (0.32% effective rate) can’t offset $963,000 medians.

    Homeowners, meanwhile, are shell-shocked: Two-thirds report bills exceeding estimates, per a 2025 CoreLogic survey, with medians at $3,018 nationally—but $10,333 in New Jersey, $7,355 in New Hampshire. Nearly half (48%) contest assessments as inflated, yet 78% never appeal—53% unaware they can. In high-cost California (0.70% rate, $5,502 median bill), insurers are fleeing wildfire zones, forcing “non-admitted” policies up 27.5% last year. Result? Delinquencies spike 4 percentage points post-disaster, prepayments 16 points, per UC Berkeley research—149,000 extra defaults from premium hikes alone in 2022-2023.

    This “perfect storm”—undersupply, soaring taxes, insurance Armageddon—isn’t Mother Nature; it’s policy malpractice. Zoning laws inflate land costs 30-50% in metro areas, per Urban Institute; the Great Recession’s construction plunge never recovered. Now, with homes median age 40 (oldest ever), climate hits amplify: Severe storms, floods, heat—pushing maintenance 20-30% higher. TCW’s Sustainable Insights warns of a “housing-insurance gap” eroding stability, with GSEs like Fannie Mae dodging destroyed-home guarantees.

    Mamdani’s Mandate: Populism Over Pragmatism?

    Enter Zohran Mamdani, the 34-year-old Queens assemblyman whose TikTok-fueled blitz—millions of views on subway rants and rent audits—propelled him from DSA obscurity to history’s youngest NYC mayor since 1892, first Muslim and South Asian leader. Born in Uganda to Indian parents (filmmaker Mira Nair, academic Mahmood Mamdani), he naturalized in 2018 and railed as a renter against inequality. His platform? Rent freezes on 1 million stabilized units, fare-free buses, millionaire taxes, universal childcare—echoing Sanders’ 13.2 million-vote 2016 haul, but wallet-first.

    Wall Street recoiled, unleashing $28 million via super PACs like Defend New York—Bloomberg ($13.3 million), Ackman ($1.75 million), Gebbia ($3 million), Lauder ($1.75 million). Their doomsday ads warned of exodus to Miami; Ackman quipped on Flagrant about a “hot commie summer.” It flopped: Mamdani won Queens and Brooklyn by landslides, flipping Bronx margins with renter turnout. Cuomo’s scandals (2021 harassment exit) and Sliwa’s Guardian Angels schtick couldn’t compete. Post-win, Mamdani quipped to Trump barbs: “Turn the volume up!” His transition team—five women, including Lina Khan and Grace Bonilla—signals equity; retaining NYPD’s Jessica Tisch nods to evolved policing (no more “defund” echoes).

    But here’s the conservative rub: Mamdani’s socialism isn’t salvation—it’s accelerant. Freezing rents distorts markets, breeding black markets and decay (witness 1970s NYC). Taxing millionaires? Albany vetoes loom, per Gov. Hochul’s history. His Gaza stance—vowing Netanyahu’s arrest—risks alienating Jewish voters (though he pledged outreach). Trump threatens federal cuts; NRCC eyes 2026 ads tying Dems to this “far-left mob.” As Vivek Ramaswamy posted: “Focus on affordability… cut identity politics.” Mamdani’s win, amid Spanberger’s VA pragmatism and Sherrill’s NJ centrism, shows Dems’ big tent: Radicals in cities, moderates in burbs. Yet AP polls reveal fury—6 in 10 “angry,” half blaming economy—stems from shutdown optics, not Trumpism.

    Broader Ripples: From Suburbs to States, a Call for Market Fixes

    Virginia’s Spanberger, ex-CIA, crushed Winsome Earle-Sears by 13 points in shutdown-furloughed NoVA, where 800,000 feds missed pay amid budget brinkmanship. “Pragmatism over chaos,” she thundered—resonating as 60% cited economy per AP. Jersey’s Sherrill, Navy vet, hammered Ciattarelli on taxes ($10,333 median) and bills, extending Dems’ three-term streak. Down-ballot: Ghazala Hashmi (first Muslim LG in VA), Jay Jones ousting scandal-tainted AG Jason Miyares.

    Bright spots for right? California’s Prop 50 empowers Dem redistricting (five House flips eyed); Maine’s red-flag guns passed sans voter ID; Colorado taxes rich for meals. But Texas affirmed parental rights; urban Dem holds (Buffalo’s Sean Ryan, Pittsburgh’s Corey O’Connor) show blue fortresses intact.

    Nationally, this is GOP’s wake-up: Housing trumps culture wars. Obama’s “brighter future” crow? Hype. Shutdown ends soon; tout manufacturing (1.2 million jobs since 2024), drill baby drill for energy costs. Blame NIMBY Dems for supply choke—streamline zoning, cut regs, incentivize builds. As NAR’s Shannon McGahn urges: Unlock inventory, modernize construction. Without it, 40 becomes 45 for buyers, and Mamdani clones sprout nationwide.

    New York’s saga isn’t progressive destiny—it’s market failure’s revenge. Trump’s coalition—diverse, ascendant—rebounds by delivering: Deregulate, build, tax less. Midterms loom; govern boldly, or watch affordability fury fuel the far left. The heartland’s watching—and the ballot box bites back.

     

    Adding to the pressure is a flurry of recent AI deals structured using what critics have dubbed “circular” funding mechanisms—broadly referring to suppliers like Nvidia making large capital investments in the businesses of the customers who buy their products. Just a few months ago, investors viewed such deals with enthusiasm, pumping up shares for a variety of AI-related companies, but this week one such deal—between Nvidia, Microsoft and Anthropic—was greeted warily.

    This week, 45% of global fund managers surveyed by Bank of America said that an AI stock-market bubble was one of the biggest risks facing the market.

    A number of bearish moves by high-profile investors have also rattled tech markets. Last week, Masayoshi Son’s SoftBank Group sold its entire $5.8 billion stake in Nvidia to divert that money to other AI investments, while a hedge fund run by influential billionaire venture capitalist Peter Thiel unloaded its entire $100 million Nvidia stake in the third quarter.

  • The New Right’s Antisemitic Agenda to Conquer America

    The New Right’s Antisemitic Agenda to Conquer America

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    Nick Fuentes speaks at a pro-Trump march on 14 November 2020 in Washington DC. © Jacquelyn Martin/AP

    Tucker Carlson leaned forward, his voice a mix of folksy curiosity and barely veiled admiration. “Nick Fuentes, thank you for doing this,” he said, slapping a tin of nicotine pouches onto the scarred wooden table. “I want to understand what you believe, and I want to give you a chance… to just lay it out.” What followed was a two-hour-plus podcast episode that didn’t so much crack open the Overton window of American conservatism as shatter it entirely. Fuentes, the 27-year-old white nationalist firebrand whose “Groyper” army of online trolls has long haunted the fringes of the MAGA movement, wasn’t grilled on his praise for Adolf Hitler or his Holocaust denial. Instead, he was handed a megaphone—reaching nearly 5 million YouTube views in days—and used it to declare “organized Jewry” America’s existential threat, gush over Joseph Stalin as a “fan,” and blame women for the nation’s moral decay.

    This wasn’t a rogue ambush; it was a coronation. For years, Fuentes operated in the shadows—banned from platforms, shunned by CPAC, even mocked by Carlson himself as a “weird little gay kid” in an August spat. But in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s September assassination and a roiling GOP civil war over Israel, the firewall against him is crumbling. From Heritage Foundation boardrooms to Young Republican group chats, Fuentes’ antisemitic gospel is seeping into the mainstream right, threatening to redefine “America First” as a code for white Christian nationalism. As one GOP strategist whispered to me off the record: “Fuentes isn’t infiltrating MAGA—he’s becoming it.”

    Our investigation—drawing on leaked emails, internal Heritage memos, exclusive interviews with disgruntled staffers, and a deep dive into Fuentes’ financial empire—reveals a calculated conquest. Backed by a post-Kirk surge in followers (over 100,000 on X and Rumble since September), Fuentes is positioning himself as the “alt-Charlie Kirk,” infiltrating youth orgs and think tanks while his Groypers wage guerrilla warfare online. The result? A Republican Party fracturing along lines of faith, foreign policy, and outright bigotry, with Trump’s “big tent” looking more like a siege tower aimed at American Jews.

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    Tucker Carlson at the White House on Oct. 14. © Alex Brandon/AP

    The interview, aired October 27 on The Tucker Carlson Show, was billed as a bridge-building exercise. Carlson, exiled from Fox but thriving with 5 million subscribers, framed it as a quest for understanding: “You’re clearly ascendant… enormously talented. More talented than I am, for sure.” Fuentes, the Berwyn, Illinois, native who once urged Trump to drop out in 2016, obliged with a manifesto. “The big challenge to unifying the country… is organized Jewry in America,” he intoned, echoing tropes of a “transnational gang” pulling strings. He admired Stalin for “turning the USSR into a global superpower” and beat back the Nazis—omitting the purges that killed millions, including Jews. On women? “It’s the women… extremely liberal… frumpy, obnoxious, loudmouth… Their sense of their own looks and sexual value is very inflated.” Carlson, self-admitted “a little sexist,” nodded along, decrying “Christian Zionists” like Ted Cruz and Mike Huckabee as heretics infected by a “brain virus.”

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    UNITED STATES – OCTOBER 29: Chairman Ted Cruz, R-Texas, attends the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee hearing titled “Shut Your App: How Uncle Sam Jawboned Big Tech Into Silencing Americans, Part II,” in Russell building on Wednesday, October 29, 2025. © Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via AP Images

    Pushback was perfunctory. Carlson quibbled on antisemitism—”It’s against my Christian faith”—but never circled back to Stalin or Hitler, whom Fuentes has called “really f***ing cool.” By contrast, his June grilling of Cruz devolved into shouts over Israel policy. “Why grill a senator fighting for conservatism but pattycake with a podcaster praising genocide?” one Heritage alum fumed to me.

    The episode exploded: 13 million X views, 2.6 million on YouTube in 24 hours. Fuentes crowed on X: “We don’t need permission from foreign agents & paid shills… The Tucker show was the first conversation… totally unsanctioned by Israel.” Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) rallied: “The more they go after @TuckerCarlson, the more I will watch.” But the backlash was swift and bipartisan.

    GOP Reckoning: From Cruz to McConnell, a Line in the Sand

    At the Republican Jewish Coalition’s (RJC) annual summit in Las Vegas—meant to toast a fragile Gaza ceasefire—the interview hijacked the agenda. College-aged Jewish Republicans waved “Tucker is not MAGA” signs; speakers like Rep. Byron Donalds (R-FL) thundered, “In our party we will not tolerate antisemitism.” Sen. Ted Cruz, without naming Carlson, eviscerated the platforming: “If you sit there with someone who says Adolf Hitler was very, very cool… and you say nothing, then you are a coward and you are complicit in that evil.” He’d seen “more antisemitism on the right in the last six months than in my entire life,” a “poison” facing an “existential crisis.”

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    Sen. Mitch McConnell walks to the Senate Chambers in the U.S. Capitol Building on July 28, 2025 in Washington, DC. © Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

    Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) piled on, skewering Heritage’s defense of Carlson: “Last I checked, ‘conservatives should feel no obligation’ to carry water for antisemites and apologists for America-hating autocrats.” Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-TX) called Carlson “a bad person… changed a lot over the last 20 years.” RJC CEO Matt Brooks was “appalled, offended and disgusted,” vowing a “reassessment” of ties with Heritage. Even Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) quipped from the “Hitler-sucks wing of the Republican Party.”

    Democrats pounced: Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer deemed it “deeply disturbing,” urging Heritage allies to “disavow this dangerous mainstreaming.” The irony stung—GOP attacks on “leftist antisemitism” rang hollow amid leaks of Young Republicans’ chats joking about gas chambers and a Trump nominee’s “Nazi streak.”

    Fuentes reveled: In a post-interview video, he urged, “We are done with the Jewish oligarchy… the slavish surrender to Israel.” His Groypers—Pepe the Frog variants co-opted by alt-right incels—swarmed, doxxing critics and claiming infiltration: “There’s groypers in every department.”

    Heritage’s House of Cards: Staff Shakeup and Soul-Searching

    No institution felt the quake like the Heritage Foundation, conservatism’s intellectual fortress and architect of Project 2025. President Kevin Roberts’ Thursday video—defending Carlson as a “close friend” and decrying a “venomous coalition” of cancellers—ignited a firestorm. “The American people expect us to be focusing on our political adversaries on the left, not attacking our friends on the right,” Roberts intoned, adding that “canceling [Fuentes] is not the answer.”

    Internally, it was mutiny. Tax researcher Preston Brashers tweeted a “NAZIS ARE BAD” meme and clips of Fuentes’ Hitler fandom, prompting Chief of Staff Ryan Neuhaus to demand resignations: “Resign if so outraged… addition by subtraction.” By Friday, Roberts reassigned Neuhaus to a senior adviser role at the Simon Center, installing EVP Derrick Morgan as acting chief. An all-staff email, subject: “Heritage’s Stand Against Antisemitism and for Civilizational Truth,” touted anti-hate initiatives but insisted on “balanced” Israel policy: “Space between believing Israel can do no wrong and blaming it for every wrong.”

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    Heritage President Kevin Roberts introduces Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis before a speech at the Heritage Foundation, Oct. 27, 2023, as part of the Mandate for Leadership Series in Washington. © Jess Rapfogel/AP

    Board trustees rebelled. Princeton’s Robert P. George blasted “no enemies to the right” as incompatible with “inherent and equal dignity of all,” refusing to normalize “white supremacists… antisemites.” Trustee John Coleman: “You cannot be a faithful Christian and anti-Semitic.” Mark Goldfeder quit Heritage’s antisemitism task force: “Makes continued participation impossible.” Ex-staffer Tim Chapman, now at Advancing American Freedom, accused Heritage of “if you can’t beat ’em, join ’em” with populists.

    Roberts doubled down in interviews: “To appeal to [Fuentes’] millions of disaffected young men… not to cancel him.” But whispers of a board “emergency meeting” (denied by VP Mary Vought) and donation-page Carlson scrub suggest damage control. “Heritage’s one-voice policy is cracking,” a current staffer told me anonymously. “We’re the intellectual backbone—now we’re carrying water for Stalin fans?”

    Kirk’s September 10 assassination—by Tyler Robinson, a left-leaning gamer radicalized over trans issues—created a void Fuentes exploited ruthlessly. Leftist conspiracies briefly fingered Groypers (debunked; no ties), but Fuentes spun it: “We’re being framed… based on literally zero evidence.” His post-Kirk episode: 2.5 million Rumble views. Spotify yanked his show for hate speech, but X reinstated him under Musk.

    Fuentes’ model? Infiltrate and radicalize. Groypers trolled Turning Point USA in 2019’s “Groyper Wars,” grilling Kirk on Israel and immigration. Jan. 6 arrests included Groyper links; now, they’re in “every department,” per Fuentes. Financially? America First Foundation: $44K in FY2024 (up from $4K prior). Subscriptions ($15-$100/month) and merch fund his Rumble empire—second-most watched Q3 streamer.

    Legally unscathed: A November 2024 battery charge (pepper-spraying a woman after doxxing) resolved with anger management, 75 hours community service, $635 restitution, and an apology—dismissed if complied. Victim Marla Rose: “Consequences for… hate.” Fuentes’ retort to critics? “Shut the f— up. You don’t know what you’re talking about.”

    Fuentes’ Carlson chat doubled as a misogyny manifesto. Women? “Baby machines” with “inflated” value, driving “hoeflation” and erectile dysfunction via porn. “Men are the responsible party but have no authority.” Carlson: “I don’t know a single happily married woman who’s liberal.” Bare Marriage research contradicts: Patriarchal “authority” correlates with exhaustion, pain, and passive-aggression.

    On Israel: A proxy for antisemitism. Carlson’s “Christian Zionists” rant alienates evangelicals; Fuentes eyes Vance as 2028 prey: “We’ll be in Iowa.” Laura Loomer, Jewish MAGA enforcer: “They say I don’t belong… because I’m Jewish.” Trump—philo-Semitic, pro-Israel—holds the tent, but his exit looms.

    As George Washington wrote in 1790: May Jews “continue to merit and enjoy the good will” of Americans. Fuentes’ vision? An America where they don’t. With Kirk gone and Heritage wobbling, the Groypers march. The right’s soul hangs in the balance: Will it debate evil—or embrace it?

  • Chinese and Russian Female Spies Reportedly Use ‘Sex Warfare’ to Target Silicon Valley Secrets

    Chinese and Russian Female Spies Reportedly Use ‘Sex Warfare’ to Target Silicon Valley Secrets

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    SpeakerHub © Aliia Roza

    He thought it was serendipity—a chance encounter at a bustling tech conference in Palo Alto, where amid the hum of venture capitalists and AI demos, she approached him with a disarming smile and probing questions about his startup’s quantum encryption algorithms. She was poised, multilingual, with a LinkedIn profile touting a role at a Shanghai-based venture firm. Over coffee that turned into dinners, then weekends in Napa, she became his confidante, his partner—even his fiancée. It was only after a routine security audit at his firm flagged anomalous data transfers to overseas servers that the truth unraveled: She wasn’t an investor. She was an operative, deployed by Beijing’s Ministry of State Security to burrow into his life and exfiltrate the crown jewels of American innovation.

    This isn’t the plot of a Tom Clancy novel; it’s the stark reality of “sex warfare,” a resurgent espionage tactic where Chinese and Russian intelligence agencies are allegedly weaponizing romance to pilfer Silicon Valley’s secrets. Attractive female operatives—trained in seduction, psychological manipulation, and tech fluency—are infiltrating the Valley’s open ecosystem, seducing engineers, executives, and researchers. In some cases, they’ve gone nuclear: marrying targets, bearing children, and embedding for decades to ensure a steady drip of intellectual property (IP). The economic toll? Up to $600 billion annually in U.S. IP theft, with China fingered as the prime culprit. As one counterintelligence veteran put it, “It’s the Wild West out there.”

    Our investigation, drawing on interviews with former spies, U.S. intelligence officials, and tech security experts, plus declassified FBI reports and recent congressional briefings, reveals a threat that’s not just escalating—it’s evolving. From LinkedIn lures to honeypot marriages, these operations exploit the Valley’s collaborative ethos, where trust is currency and NDAs are as flimsy as a post-hack apology. With Elon Musk quipping on X, “If she’s a 10 and suddenly interested in your boring job, run,” the alarm bells are ringing from Capitol Hill to Sand Hill Road. But as threats spread beyond California to nascent hubs in Austin and Boulder, the question looms: Can America’s tech fortress hold?

    The Honey Trap 2.0: Seduction as a Strategic Asset

    The playbook is as old as Mata Hari, but the targets and stakes have skyrocketed. Since the 1970s, foreign agents have eyed U.S. tech for its golden goose—semiconductors, AI, biotech. But post-Cold War, the game shifted from brute-force hacks to “soft” economic espionage, where human vulnerabilities are the backdoor. Enter “sex warfare”: a term coined by U.S. counterintelligence pros to describe state-sponsored romantic entanglements designed for long-haul intel harvesting.

    James Mulvenon, chief intelligence officer at Pamir Consulting—a firm that schools U.S. companies on China risks—has seen the uptick firsthand. “I’m getting an enormous number of very sophisticated LinkedIn requests from the same type of attractive young Chinese woman,” he told The Times in a bombshell exposé this week. “It really seems to have ramped up recently.” Mulvenon, a 30-year FBI counterspy alum, recounts gatecrashing a Virginia conference on Chinese investment perils: Two poised Chinese women, armed with attendee lists and badges, tried to slip in. “We didn’t let them,” he said. “But they had all the information.”

    It’s not paranoia. A former U.S. counterintelligence officer, speaking anonymously to NDTV, detailed a chilling case: A “beautiful” Russian operative, fresh from a Moscow “soft-power school” and modeling academy, wed an aerospace engineer on a classified drone project. Posing as a crypto analyst, she infiltrated military-space circles. “Showing up, marrying a target, having kids with a target—and conducting a lifelong collection operation—it’s very uncomfortable to think about, but it’s so prevalent,” the officer said. The marriage yielded not just cover, but cover stories: Family outings masked dead drops, bedtime chats doubled as debriefs.

    China’s Ministry of State Security (MSS) and Russia’s SVR (Foreign Intelligence Service) are the maestros. MSS runs “drafting” ops—snapping up stakes in DoD-funded startups to choke U.S. access—while SVR leans on “illegals”: deep-cover agents posing as expats. Both recruit “sparrows,” female agents trained in the KGB’s honeypot arts, now augmented with digital tradecraft. “They have an asymmetric advantage,” Mulvenon warns. “U.S. culture and laws tie our hands in countermeasures.”

    Even allies play. South Korea and Israel have been caught quietly hoovering intel at Valley mixers, per declassified docs. But Beijing and Moscow dominate: FBI stats show China-linked IP theft hit 80% of cases in 2024, up from 60% in 2020.

    Confessions from the Shadows: Ex-Spies Spill the Secrets

    To understand the machinery, we turn to defectors. Aliia Roza, a 45-year-old Kazakh-Tatar émigré now training “seduction for self-esteem” in the U.S., broke her silence on iHeart’s To Die For podcast this year. Born to a Soviet general, Roza was funneled into a KGB successor program at 18, plucked from 350 cadets for “sexpionage” training. “We weren’t just seducing—we were mastering communication,” she told host Neil Strauss. “Dress, makeup, how to make targets believe you’re their soulmate.”

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    Her lavish lifestyle is a far cry from the ‘corrupt’ regime in the Russian military
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    She now lives in a $20 million mansion in Beverly Hills with her 11-year-old son.

    Pay? A measly $100 monthly for six-day weeks of martial arts and psyops drills. But the rush? “At the end of the day, when I saved someone’s life [by extracting intel], I felt good,” Roza recalled. She balanced missions with motherhood, but the toll mounted. “I saw these other female agents hit 56—miserable, lonely. No private lives, no families.” Brainwashed as a “master manipulator,” Roza fled Moscow over two decades ago with her son, resurfacing on Instagram with 1M+ followers peddling empowerment tips. “It’s not just sex—it’s the art of making them believe,” she says now. Her story, echoed in Fox News Digital interviews, underscores the human wreckage: Agents discarded like spent cartridges.

    Then there’s Anna Chapman, the flame-haired “Black Widow” whose 2010 FBI bust—Operation Ghost Stories—exposed a Russian sleeper ring in New York. Deported in a spy swap that freed poison victim Sergei Skripal, Chapman, now 43 and rebranded Anna Romanova, has pivoted to propaganda. This month, Putin tapped her to helm the SVR’s shiny new Museum of Russian Intelligence near Moscow’s Gorky Park—a hall of mirrors celebrating espionage “achievements.”

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    Ousted Russian Spy Anna Chapman Is Now a Trump-Loving Instagram Star. © David Azia/A.P.

    In her 2024 memoir BondiAnna: To Russia with Love, Chapman gloats: “Nature endowed me with a slim waist, full chest, cascade of red hair… I didn’t try too hard to please. And it worked like magic.” From London hedge funds (nabbed via strip poker, she claims) to Manhattan real estate fronts beaming secrets via laptop, her toolkit was charm laced with code. Post-deportation, she’s a pro-Kremlin TV star and mom, but her museum gig signals SVR’s unrepentant flex. “It’s history in the making,” SVR chief Sergey Naryshkin purred at the unveiling, per The Sun.

    Silicon Valley isn’t just code—it’s a $1.8 trillion GDP engine, per 2025 CBRE data. But espionage is a silent tax. IP theft siphons $225-600B yearly, fueling China’s “Made in 2025” push to dominate AI and EVs. Startups, hungry for funding, pitch to Chinese VCs at U.S.-hosted contests—only to watch prototypes vanish overnight. “Share your plan, lose your edge—or relocate to Shenzhen,” warns Jeff Stoff, ex-NSA analyst.

    Take the unnamed tech giant from our lead: In 2024, its security team swept in amid vanishing files—millions in R&D poached, traced to a VP’s “fiancée.” Or the aerospace case: Russian-sourced drone specs allegedly fast-tracked Moscow’s hypersonic program, costing Raytheon $2B in lost contracts.

    Broader ripples? Venture funding dipped 15% in Q3 2025, per PitchBook, as firms mandate “espionage audits.” NVIDIA stock wobbled 3% post a leaked chip blueprint tied to a “romantic entanglement.” Musk’s X post amplified the chill: “Silicon Valley sex warfare? If she’s a 10, she’s probably a 10 on the MSS payroll.” Even allies fret: UK’s MI5 flagged similar ops targeting Cambridge quantum labs.

    It’s not confined to hoodies and hackathons. China’s ops span political infiltration—recruiting Cali pols via units like the one exposed in Politico‘s Rose Pak saga, where SF’s power broker funneled influence to Beijing. Recall the 2008 Torch Run: MSS mobilized 10,000 U.S. students to quash protests, per FBI memos.

    Russia’s post-2017 consulate closure? No sweat—proxies via crypto bros and VC scouts. “Oklahoma land rush,” quips a DNI report: A frenzy for biotech in Boston, autonomy tech in Detroit.

    As hubs sprout—Boulder’s quantum corridor, Austin’s chip fabs—vulnerabilities multiply. Underreporting plagues: 70% of breaches go dark, per Verizon’s 2025 DBIR, fearing spooks or stigma.

    FBI’s upping ante: Operation Honeyguard trains agents in reverse honeypots, while CISA pushes “trust but verify” for execs—backgrounds, alibis, even polygraphs for fiancées. Congress eyes the Espionage Modernization Act, mandating disclosures for foreign ties.

    But experts like Mulvenon caution: “The Valley’s openness is our superpower—and Achilles’ heel.” Roza, from her L.A. studio, urges empathy: “These women are tools, too. Break the cycle by seeing the human cost.”

    In a firewall of flirtations, Silicon Valley’s innovators must armor up. The next pitch? Vet the pitcher. Because in sex warfare, love’s the Trojan horse.

  • Visual Timeline of Charlie Kirk’s Assassination

    Visual Timeline of Charlie Kirk’s Assassination

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    Charlie Kirk, founder of nonprofit Turning Point USA, speaks before being shot during his visit to Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah, on Sept. 10, 2025. © Tess Crowley/The Deseret News via AP

    Conservative influencer Charlie Kirk was killed by a single gunshot at a crowded event at a Utah college on Sept. 10. Utah Gov. Spencer Cox described the act as a “political assassination.”

    Authorities announced the arrest of 22-year-old Tyler Robinson, the suspected assassin, during a press conference on Sept. 12.

    Here’s what we know about the shooting and the aftermath so far.

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    The Assassination

    Charlie Kirk, founder of Turning Point USA, was speaking at Utah Valley University on Sept. 10, in the first campus event of TPUSA’s American Comeback tour.

    By noon, an estimated 3,000 students had gathered around his tent, which displayed his challenge to the students “prove me wrong.”

    Six university police officers were on duty at the event, along with Kirk’s own private security team, according to authorities.

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    Kirk began fielding the second question of the day.

    “Do you know how many mass shooters there have been in America over the last 10 years?” a man in the crowd asked Kirk.

    “Counting or not counting gang violence?” Kirk replied. It was about 12:20 p.m. local time.

    One shot was fired. Graphic video footage taken by spectators showed the bullet pierce the left side of Kirk’s neck.

    Kirk was quickly surrounded by his security team, carried into an SUV, and taken to Timpanogos Regional Hospital, where initial reports said he was in critical condition.

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    As the thousands of people ran for cover, video footage caught what appeared to be a person running across the roof of a nearby building.

    Kirk’s death was publicly announced by President Donald Trump on Truth Social at 4:40 p.m. ET.

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    Alleged Assassin Captured After Manhunt

    Family members of the suspect assisted authorities after identifying their son as the individual allegedly responsible for killing Kirk.

    Robinson was convinced by his father to turn himself in, President Donald Trump said during a Fox News interview on Sept. 12.

    “The father convinced the son, this is it … I’m always subject to being corrected …  but based on what I’m hearing,” the president said.

    “Essentially, somebody who was very close to him” recognized Robinson from security footage, Trump said.

    The suspect indicated “or implied” to a family member that he was responsible for the shooting, Utah Gov. Spencer Cox said in a Friday press conference. That family member then told a family friend, who contacted the Washington County Sheriff’s Office with the information.

    One family member told investigators that Robinson had mentioned Kirk’s appearance at UVU over the dinner table recently, Cox said.

    “They talked about why they didn’t like him and the viewpoints that he had. The family member also stated Kirk was full of hate and spreading hate,” Cox said.

    Messages allegedly from Robinson sent on Discord to an unnamed roommate who spoke with investigators described his attempt to recover the rifle that he allegedly hid in the woods after the shooting, Cox said.

    The arrest potentially concludes a manhunt conducted by the FBI and the Utah Department of Public Safety that began immediately after Kirk was killed.

    Two persons of interest were separately detained and questioned on Sept. 10, but were cleared and later released.

    Following the Killer’s Movements

    Beau Mason, commissioner of Utah’s Department of Public Safety, confirmed on Sept. 11 that investigators had determined the suspect arrived on campus at 11:52 a.m. local time on Sept. 10. They were then able to track his movements through campus, up stairwells, and onto the roof to the shooting location.

    The roof was on a building named the Losee Center, approximately 200 yards from where Kirk was seated.

    The suspect fired a single shot at Kirk. No other people were hit.

    Afterward, Mason said investigators tracked the suspect moving to the other side of the building, jumping off, and fleeing campus into a neighborhood.

    Mason added that the suspect appeared to be college-aged and “blended well in a college institution.”

    The FBI later released images of a “person of interest,” depicting a slim male wearing sunglasses, a black, long-sleeved t-shirt with what appeared to be a graphic of the American flag, blue jeans, and a baseball cap.

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    The FBI released photos, along with a message urging the public to help identify a “person of interest” in relation to the Sept. 10 fatal shooting of Charlie Kirk. © FBI

    Political Messages Inscribed on Bullet Casings

    Cox said that investigators recovered a Mauser .30-06 rifle with four rounds of ammunition—one fired and three unfired.

    Bullet casings were inscribed with political messages and other engravings, he said.

    The fired casing was allegedly marked, “Notices, bulges, OWO, what’s this?” he said.

    One unfired round allegedly read, “Hey fascists! Catch!” It also had a drawn up arrow, a right arrow, and three down arrow symbols.

    Another round allegedly read, “O bella ciao, bella ciao, ciao, ciao,” seemingly referring to an Italian anti-fascist song from WWII.

    The last casing was allegedly inscribed with, “If you read this, you are gay LMAO.”

    In terms of forensics, investigators have a footwear impression, a palm print, and forearm imprints for analysis.

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    Law enforcement officials, including members of an FBI forensics team, investigate near the crime scene where Charlie Kirk was shot and killed at Utah Valley University in Orem, Utah, on Sept. 11, 2025. © Melissa Majchrzak/AFP via Getty Images

    Charging Documents Coming Soon

    Cox told reporters to expect charging documents “early next week,” as Utah state law allows three days for authorities to gather evidence while a suspect is in custody before filing official charges. 

    Trump has called for the death penalty, which is permissible in Utah for those convicted of aggravated first-degree murder.

  • Affordability Crisis Drives Americans Out of Major Cities

    Affordability Crisis Drives Americans Out of Major Cities

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    For much of the past century, in both the United States and elsewhere, the inexorable trend has been for people to move from rural areas and towns to ever larger cities, particularly those with vibrant downtown cores such as New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, and dozens of other iconic American cities. Most visions of the future still view urban cores as the uncontested centers of production, consumption, and culture, with rural areas, small cities, and suburbs relegated to the backwaters of modernity.

    A RealClearInvestigations analysis has found that we may be on the cusp of a new era. Urban cores have started to shrink, losing first to the suburbs, then to ever further exurbs, and now to small towns and even rural areas. For the first time since the 19th century, America’s growth pattern favors smaller metros – Fargo, North Dakota, as opposed to Portland, Oregon – many of which once seemed out of favor.

    This transformation can be hard to detect because demographers often discuss metropolitan regions, which put city centers at their cores. But this method of classification masks the trend that much of the growth is at the edges of these areas. In virtually all the fastest-growing metros, it has been the further-out exurbs, themselves until recently rural areas, that have experienced most of the expansion. While Raleigh, North Carolina – a sleepy state capital for much of its history – continues to draw migrants from across the country, the most explosive growth is not occurring in the city center but the surrounding “countrypolitan” towns of ApexFuquay-Varina, and Zebulon that offer land and a relaxed rural environment along with access to modern amenities.

    Between 2010 and 2020, the suburbs and exurbs of the major metropolitan areas gained 2 million net domestic migrants, while the urban core counties lost 2.7 million. The pandemic, which normalized remote work and encouraged people to keep their distance, turbocharged this movement to smaller, less crowded, less expensive housing markets. Through the first four years of this decade, the urban core counties of the major metropolitan areas (over 1,000,000 population) lost 3,259,000 net domestic migrants, three times the rate of loss in the last decade. In contrast, 2.3 million net domestic migrants moved outside the major metros.

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    This is a shift the media has underplayed or pinned almost entirely on the pandemic, leaving the impression that small towns and rural areas have little to offer other than a safe haven from illness and crime. In a pre-pandemic 2018 article asking “Can rural America be saved?” the New York Times reported that small cities and towns, particularly in the middle of the country, were “getting old” and facing “relentless economic decline.”

    The data suggest the opposite: that Americans are heading back to the land. The steep costs of urban housing and an Amazon economy that allows anybody, anywhere to get almost anything, is rekindling our deep-seated desire for privacy, space, and home ownership. 

    The New Demographics

    The first phase of geographic reinvention began to take shape by 2000, as workers followed both U.S.- and foreign-based companies, which were increasingly expanding into lower-cost states in the Sun Belt and Midwest. Since then, the two most urbanized big states, California and New York, have each lost more than 4 million net domestic migrants. Two other trends – a drop in immigration and fertility rates, especially among people living in big cities – are making it hard for these states to restock their urban populations. 

    Although the many efforts to revive downtowns have helped lure newcomers, at least temporarily, most people moved to the periphery; suburbs account for about 90% of all U.S. metropolitan growth between 2010 and 2020, with the greatest increase in the farther-flung exurbs. The most notable expansion is not occurring on the fringes of behemoths like New York City and Chicago but in and around smaller metro areas. Between 2015 and 2023, areas whose growth more than doubled the national population increase included the Texas cities of Killeen and Sherman; Savannah and Jefferson in Georgia; Spartanburg, South Carolina; Daphne, Alabama; Naples, Florida; Sioux Falls, South Dakota; Hagerstown, Maryland; and Clarksville, Tennessee. In these last three – Sioux Falls, Hagerstown, and Clarksville – the new settlements actually spill over into neighboring (and even more rural) states. 

    This process may only be in its early phase, driven by the rush of millennials as well as immigrants. In the past, notes urban analyst and midwestern native Aaron Renn, much of the urban growth in the Midwest has come from migration from smaller towns in their region instead of from the coasts. The demographic vitality of places like Indianapolis and Columbus, for example, has been primarily from surrounding metro areas and rural regions. 

    This is now changing as both foreign and domestic pilgrims are increasingly attracted to these smaller towns. We are witnessing a world turning upside down from the realities of the last century. Even the greatest exemplar of 20th-century growth – Los Angeles County – is now shrinking, and according to state estimates, will lose an additional 1 million people by 2070. Meanwhile, many smaller areas, notably in the South and Midwest, from which many Angelinos (and their parents) originally came, are enjoying something of a demographic recovery.

    Housing Costs Driving the Big Metro Exodus

    This shift reflects, more than anything, the rising cost of housing, which accounts for about 88% of the difference in the cost of living between expensive big city areas and the national average. As RCI previously reported, much of this extra cost results from the strict peripheral land regulations that have driven prices up in many metropolitan areas. High housing prices initially helped drive migrants from California to places like Oregon, Washington, and Colorado. But now those states have begun to adopt the same regulatory schemes with the same result: lower job growth, sluggish housing-construction rates, a deteriorating business climate, and surging domestic outmigration. This is a principal factor in the declining homeownership rates and domestic outmigration afflicting big cities. 

    While the shift to smaller metros has many sources – including the migration of older Americans looking for less expensive places to live and the return to the South by many African Americans – perhaps more critical has been the movement of young families. The key here is home ownership, the traditional way to build wealth and enter the middle class. It has been in decline, not in terms of desire but the chance of achieving it, for half a century.  

    Since the pandemic, U.S. house prices have risen strongly, seriously eroding affordability. In a market defined as affordable, the “median multiple” (which divides the median price of a house by the median income) registers at 3 or less. Right now, the average for the entire United States is over 4, but much higher in some markets – 10 or more in San Jose, Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego, and 7 or more in San Diego, Miami, New York, and Seattle.

    Not surprisingly, housing is usually more affordable in smaller markets and rural areas. American Community Survey data indicate that there are about 120 metropolitan areas in the United States with median multiples of 3.0 or less. In 2024, many of the more affordable metro areas could be found in former industrial centers such as Pittsburgh (3.2), Cleveland (3.3), St. Louis (3.5), and Rochester (3.6). The best bargains for first-time homebuyers, according to Zillow, are in smaller markets, where median multiples were 3.0 or below, such as in Wausau, Wisconsin; Cumberland, Maryland; Terre Haute, Indiana; and Bloomington, Illinois. 

    This development has helped spur significant gains in net domestic migration in states like Alabama, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Maine, New Hampshire, and South Dakota. All of these states have a lower cost of living than the national average, except for New Hampshire, according to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.

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    Broad Rise of Smaller Places

    The shift from the most urbanized regions and states has also been fueled by job growth. It has shifted decisively in recent years to less urban and lower-density states such as Idaho, Utah, Texas, the Carolinas, and Montana. In contrast, big urban states like New York, California, Illinois, and Massachusetts sit toward the bottom. This pattern also applies to smaller metros like Fayetteville, Arkansas; Greenville, South Carolina; Grand Forks, North Dakota; and Ogden, Utah, where job growth soared most dramatically.

    At the same time, some formerly booming metro areas like Seattle, Denver, and Portland have experienced reduced net domestic migration as prices have risen and economic opportunities have shifted. Domestic migrants are increasingly turning to smaller metropolitan areas. In each of these once “hot” metros, domestic migration has switched to smaller markets, such as Spokane, Centralia, and Shelton in Washington, and Greeley and Grand Junction in Colorado, according to our analysis of Census Bureau data. 

    This represents a reversal of the strong century-long trend, with larger metropolitan areas gaining the most net domestic migration. RCI’s analysis of Census Bureau data finds a stark turnaround from the period 2010-2015, when all categories of communities with fewer than 250,000 residents had more people leave than arrive.

    The new data through 2024 reflects a profound reversal of this earlier trend, a shift from patterns that have existed for at least a century. Each of the population categories of 1,000,000 or more lost net domestic migration after 2015, while all of the smaller population categories gained net domestic migration.

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    Millennial Move to Smaller Places

    The challenge of paying rent, much less buying a house, is transforming the decisions people make about where to live, particularly for those seeking to establish families or achieve middle-class lifestyles. “While I had a great job and a great apartment [in New York], I didn’t see how that would translate in the future to having a house or having work-life balance,” explained Katie MacLachlan, co-owner of the bar Walden in East Nashville. “I didn’t feel like New York City had that to offer unless you’re a billionaire.”

    This marks a dramatic reversal from the faith in the mainstream media that millennials would inevitably flock to the big coastal cities and avoid smaller towns as backward, boring, and prejudiced. But repeating a meme does not make it true. Bigger core cities, such as New York, have actually lost both people, including young people between 25 and 39, since 2020. The much-ballyhooed era of elite coastal big city domination and small metro decline, so widely proclaimed in the national media, may well be past its sell-by date. In fact, after attracting the larger share of migrants between ages 25 and 44 for much of the past half-century, the big metro share has fallen since 2010, while smaller metros, and particularly areas with under 250,000 people, have surged in their appeal.

    These migrants are finding that their conditions improved by moving. As Brookings Institution scholar Mark Muro has noted, salaries across a 19-state American Heartland region, adjusted for the cost of living, are above the national average. Another study found that of the 10 areas with the highest cost-adjusted incomes, eight are in the heartland. In contrast, those with the lowest adjusted incomes were entirely on the ocean coasts. 

    Overall, many of the highest-salary metros look far less alluring for maturing adults and families. Among the 185 U.S. metro areas with at least 250,000 people, cost-of-living-adjusted salaries are highest in Brownsville-Harlingen, Texas, Fort Smith, Arkansas, and the Huntington-Ashland area, which spans the tri-state area in West Virginia, Kentucky, and Ohio. All 10 of the highest average salary metros are small and mid-size markets – none has more than 1 million people. Most are in the center of the country, and the only two in an expensive state – Visalia-Porterville and Modesto in California’s Central Valley, far from the state’s pricey coast. 

    This shift also corresponds to the maturation of millennials. Despite media accounts that young people do not want to start families or own homes, most surveys show that the vast majority of Americans in their 30s want to replicate these foundations of middle-class life. Some 1 million millennials become mothers every year. Many seem attracted to smaller metros, where you can live near an old Main Street and not too far from farms that offer fresh produce. This lifestyle has been described as “urbalism,” which mixes proximity to a metro center and airport while still living in what remains a largely rural setting. 

    Nationally, the age of the average homeowner is rising, up from early 30s in 1980 to 56 today. The places where people under 35 represent the largest share of new homeowners, however, are overwhelmingly in the Midwest, as well as in Provo, Utah, Colorado Springs, and Bakersfield, California. “The data shows that they leave [big metros],” said Nadia Evangelou, author of a recent National Association of Realtors study. “They cannot afford it, so they probably leave for that reason.” One study found that while 20% of people under 35 in places like Sioux Falls, South Dakota, an emerging tech center, own their own home, only 3.5% in San Jose can make the same claim.

    Immigrants Join the Parade

    As domestic migrants increasingly left the big metros early last decade, immigrants from abroad made up for the loss. In the New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago metros, the net international migration continued, but was outpaced by outmigration of current residents since 2020 But now, for the first time since the pioneer age, medium sized metros like Columbus, Indianapolis, and Des Moines, are now attracting a higher percentage of foreign migrants than traditional centers like Los Angeles, the San Francisco Bay Area, or New York. 

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    In the process, for example, Omaha, Nebraska, has just hit the 1 million population mark. Omaha has become much more ethnically diverse, experiencing rapid foreign-born growth of 28% from 2010 to 2019, more than double the 13% national rate, according to Census Bureau data. Although only 7% of Nebraskans are foreign-born, there are wide swaths in the Omaha area that reach over 20% foreign-born, with large numbers speaking another language at home. It may not be the turn of the century Lower East Side redux, but it signifies an ethnic change that few would have anticipated.

    America’s New Nurseries

    Rather than havens for the old, small metros and rural areas are now America’s prime nurseries. States in the Midwest and South, including North Dakota, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Arkansas, and South Dakota, account for seven of the 10 areas aging the least rapidly from 2000 to 2023. North Dakota, once seen as hopelessly geriatric, has aged the least of all states since 2000. 

    Much of this is connected to fertility. Overall, lower-density locales – with affordable homes, safe streets, and strong community cultures – are more conducive to families than denser urban areas. Eight of the 10 youngest big metros are located notably in the exurbs and smaller metros in the South, Midwest, and Mountain census regions. Rather than places doomed to become smaller and geriatric, these less dense places are becoming the nurseries of the nation.

    Four of the six states with the highest birth rates were in North Dakota, South Dakota, Kansas, and Nebraska. At the same time, 14 of the 15 states with the lowest fertility rates were located in the Northeast and the West Coast. 

    In terms of metros, those with lower-than-average birth rates included Los Angeles, New York, Portland, Seattle, Boston, Milwaukee, Chicago, Denver, San Francisco, Orlando, and Providence. In contrast, the highest birth rates were in markets with fewer than 250,000 residents – and they peaked in markets of 50,000 to 100,000 residents. Leading the pack were smaller markets such as Wheeling, West Virginia; Cheyenne, Wyoming; Clear Lake, California; Jacksonville, North Carolina; Decatur, Illinois; and Hobbs, New Mexico. 

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    The Future Is Dispersed

    This shift in families says much about the future. Societies with low birthrates – as we now see in much of Europe, East Asia, and virtually everywhere but Sub-Saharan Africa – inevitably suffer a kind of cultural stagnation. They tend to have less demand not only for housing and other products but also for ideas. Young people, notes economist Gary Becker, are critical to an innovative economy, and in the U.S., more of them are likely to come from the interior.

    Rather than see this movement as a negation of the American Dream, it is actually an enhancement, an echo of the great migrations that have expanded opportunities across this vast continent. The new dispersion does not mean the decline of the nation or the death of big cities. But the overall shift to smaller and revival of metros underscores the ever-adaptable nature of the “pursuit of happiness” that drives the relentless search by Americans for a better life.