Tag: India

  • Indian Students Win $200K Over ‘Pungent’ Food Complaint at US University

    Indian Students Win $200K Over ‘Pungent’ Food Complaint at US University

    In a case that has sparked widespread discussion in Indian diaspora communities and beyond, two Indian doctoral students at the University of Colorado Boulder have received a $200,000 settlement from the university following a federal civil rights lawsuit. The dispute originated from a 2023 complaint about the smell of homemade Indian food—specifically palak paneer—being heated in a departmental microwave, which the students claim spiraled into broader discrimination, retaliation, and the derailment of their academic careers.

    Aditya Prakash, then a PhD student in cultural anthropology, was reheating his lunch of palak paneer—a traditional North Indian dish of pureed spinach and paneer (cottage cheese)—in the anthropology department’s shared kitchen on September 5, 2023. According to accounts in the federal lawsuit and interviews with the students, a staff member entered the room, remarked that the food smelled “pungent,” and informed Prakash there was a rule prohibiting the microwaving of foods with strong odors.

    Prakash, now 34, described the comment as a racialized microaggression, evoking childhood experiences of exclusion in Europe over the scent of Indian home-cooked meals. “It wasn’t about that one lunch. It was about whether I had to change what I eat and where I eat it,” he told The Independent. He calmly explained to the staff member that it was simply food and returned to his desk to eat, feeling “othered and saddened.”

    The incident quickly escalated. Prakash confronted the staff member, who brought in an administrator. The administrator reportedly expressed a desire to keep the office “smelling nice” and disposed of Prakash’s empty container in front of him. When asked about acceptable foods, she cited “sandwiches” as fine but singled out “curry” as problematic. Prakash pointed out inconsistencies, noting that beef chili brought by the same administrator the previous year had not drawn complaints.

    Two days later, Prakash and four fellow students—including his partner, Urmi Bhattacheryya, who had recently joined the department as a doctoral student and teaching assistant—heated Indian food together in an act of solidarity. Another staff member allegedly “heckled” them and closed the kitchen door, which the group interpreted as a gesture of disgust.

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    Aditya Prakash and Urmi Bhattacheryya (Supplied)

    The department accused the students of “inciting a riot” and referred the matter to the Office of Student Conduct, though no formal findings resulted. Bhattacheryya invited Prakash to speak in her class on ethnocentrism and cultural relativism about lived experiences of food-based exclusion among South Asians—without naming individuals. Shortly after, she was locked out of her teaching roster without warning or explanation.

    A department-wide email soon reinstated restrictions on preparing foods with “strong or lingering smells” in the main office kitchen. Prakash and Bhattacheryya responded by emailing the entire department, calling the policy discriminatory. From there, the couple alleges, the focus shifted to their “behavior and professionalism.” Prakash was told staff felt threatened by him and required chaperoning in certain areas.

    By January 2024, their PhD advisory committees resigned en masse, and they were reassigned to advisers outside their research fields—effectively stalling their doctoral progress. They lost eligibility for teaching roles and funding, jeopardizing their immigration status. A university official later acknowledged the couple’s experience of “pain, discrimination and racism” in correspondence.

    In May 2025 (some reports cite September 2025 for filing), Prakash and Bhattacheryya filed a federal civil rights lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for Colorado, alleging discrimination based on national origin and culture, as well as retaliation under civil rights laws.

    The University of Colorado Boulder settled the case in late 2025 (reported as September or four months after filing), agreeing to pay $200,000 while explicitly denying any liability. As part of the agreement, the university conferred Master’s degrees on the couple for work already completed but permanently barred them from future enrollment or employment at the institution. The prolonged stress exacerbated Bhattacheryya’s fibromyalgia, a chronic pain condition, and left years of PhD work unfinished.

    A university spokesperson, Deborah Méndez-Wilson, stated: “The university is committed to an inclusive environment for all students, faculty and staff regardless of national origin, religion, culture. When these allegations arose in 2023, we took them seriously and adhered to established, robust processes to address them, as we do with all claims of discrimination and harassment. We reached an agreement with the students in September and deny any liability in this case.”

    Prakash and Bhattacheryya, now engaged, left the United States this month (January 2026) and have returned to India. Their story has gained traction online, particularly in Indian communities, where many view it as emblematic of subtle biases faced by South Asian immigrants in Western academic and professional spaces—often framed around hygiene, comfort, or “shared norms” that disproportionately target non-Western cuisines.

    Prakash framed the ordeal in broader terms: “This is something that we as a people have been bearing for a long time. If this is the path we have to walk, then so it be. Our people should see a better day.”

    The case highlights ongoing debates about cultural sensitivity in shared academic environments, the line between personal preferences and discrimination, and the challenges international students face when asserting rights in U.S. institutions.

  • Trump’s Russian Oil Sanctions Disrupt Imports to India and China

    Trump’s Russian Oil Sanctions Disrupt Imports to India and China

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    A view shows the Russian oil producer Gazprom Neft’s Moscow oil refinery on the south-eastern outskirts of Moscow, Russia on April 28, 2022. © Natalia Kolesnikova/AFP/Getty Images

    Trump has unleashed a barrage of sanctions on Russia’s oil behemoths, Rosneft and Lukoil, sending shockwaves through global energy markets and forcing America’s key Asian trading partners—China and India—to rethink their cozy deals with Vladimir Putin’s war machine. The move, announced Wednesday amid a fresh Russian missile barrage on Kyiv that claimed seven lives including children, marks Trump’s first direct punch at Moscow’s energy lifeline since reclaiming the White House. It’s a clear signal: Enough with the empty summits and fruitless phone calls. Time for America to squeeze Putin until he sues for peace in Ukraine.

    Brent crude, the global oil benchmark, rocketed 5% Thursday to $65 a barrel, while West Texas Intermediate surged over 5% to nearly $60—reflecting traders’ bets on tighter supplies as Russia’s two largest producers, which pump out 3.1 million barrels per day and account for nearly half of Moscow’s crude exports, face isolation from Western finance. That’s a potential $100 billion annual hit to Russia’s coffers, per Bloomberg estimates, at a moment when the Kremlin’s war chest is already strained by three years of battlefield stalemates and a stumbling economy.

    Trump, speaking alongside NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte in the Oval Office, didn’t mince words: “Every time I speak to Vladimir, I have good conversations and then they don’t go anywhere. They just don’t go anywhere.” The president scrapped a planned Budapest summit with Putin just days ago, opting instead for the sanction hammer after Moscow rebuffed his ceasefire overtures. “Now is the time to stop the killing and for an immediate ceasefire,” echoed Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who framed the penalties as a direct assault on the “Kremlin’s war machine.” With Rosneft—headed by Putin’s crony Igor Sechin—and the private giant Lukoil now blacklisted by the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), plus 36 subsidiaries frozen out of U.S. markets, Trump is betting big that choking off oil revenues will drag Putin to the table.

    This isn’t just tough talk; it’s targeted leverage. Russia’s oil and gas sector props up a quarter of its federal budget, fueling tanks, drones, and troops in Donbas. By design, the sanctions include a grace period until November 21 for global buyers to wind down deals, but the real teeth lie in secondary penalties: Any foreign bank, trader, or refinery touching Rosneft or Lukoil risks U.S. wrath, from asset freezes to SWIFT exclusions. “Engaging in certain transactions… may risk the imposition of secondary sanctions,” the Treasury warned pointedly. For Trump, it’s classic Art of the Deal—turning economic pain into diplomatic gain, much like his Gaza ceasefire triumph earlier this year.

    India Feels the Squeeze: A Trade Deal Lifeline?

    Nowhere is the ripple more immediate than in India, where refiners are scrambling to slash Russian imports that ballooned to 1.7 million barrels per day in the first nine months of 2025—up from a negligible 0.42 million tons pre-war. “There will be a massive cut,” one industry source told Reuters Thursday, as state-run giants like Indian Oil Corp. and Bharat Petroleum pore over shipping manifests to purge any Rosneft- or Lukoil-sourced crude. Reliance Industries, India’s top private buyer and locked into long-term contracts for nearly 500,000 barrels daily from Rosneft, is “recalibrating” imports to align with New Delhi’s guidelines, a company spokesman confirmed.

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    Over the past month, India, along with China and Brazil, has been at the centre of criticism from the West, mainly the US, for its purchase of Russian oil. © PTI

    This pullback couldn’t come at a better time for U.S.-India relations, strained by Trump’s 50% tariffs on Indian exports—half explicitly tied to Moscow’s oil fire sale. In a Tuesday call, Prime Minister Narendra Modi assured Trump that Delhi “was not going to buy much oil from Russia” and shares his goal of ending the Ukraine bloodbath, per White House readouts. Sources close to the talks say the sanctions could shatter a diplomatic logjam, paving the way for a bilateral trade pact that levels the playing field for American farmers and manufacturers. “We’re talking about bringing India’s tariffs in line with Asian peers,” one U.S. trade official told The Heritage Foundation’s Daily Signal on background. “Wind down the Russian crude, and we wind down the duties. It’s a win-win: India saves on overpriced alternatives, and we get fair trade.”

    Senior Indian refinery execs, speaking anonymously to Bloomberg, called the sanctions a “game-changer,” rendering direct Russian buys “impossible” amid fears of U.S. blacklisting. Exports to India hit $140 billion since 2022, but at what cost? Discounted Urals crude shielded New Delhi from energy inflation, yet it undercut Trump’s peace push and emboldened Putin. Now, with global prices spiking, Indian consumers may pay more at the pump—but the strategic upside is huge: Stronger ties with Washington, access to U.S. LNG, and a seat at the table in Trump’s post-war reconstruction bonanza for Ukraine.

    Critics in the Beltway whisper that this pressures Modi too hard, but let’s be real: India’s neutrality has been a fig leaf for profiteering off Putin’s aggression. Trump’s move forces accountability, reminding allies that America’s security umbrella isn’t free. As former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine John Herbst put it to the BBC, these sanctions “will certainly hurt the Russian economy… It’s a good start” toward genuine negotiations.

    China’s Reluctant Retreat: Xi’s Putin Problem

    Across the border, Beijing’s state behemoths—PetroChina, Sinopec, CNOOC, and Zhenhua Oil—are hitting pause on seaborne Russian crude, Reuters reported Thursday, citing trade insiders. China, which snapped up a record 109 million tons last year (20% of its energy imports), has been Putin’s economic lifeline, laundering sanctions via “shadow fleets” of ghost tankers. No longer. The quartet’s suspension, if it sticks, signals a seismic shift: Even Xi Jinping, Putin’s “no-limits” partner, can’t ignore the U.S. financial guillotine.

    Trump, fresh off Gaza, sees this as his opening. “Xi holds influence over Putin,” he said Wednesday, vowing to press the issue at next week’s APEC summit in South Korea. No secondary tariffs on China yet—unlike India’s 25% slap in August—but the threat looms. “Will the U.S. actively threaten secondary sanctions on Chinese banks?” mused ex-State Department sanctions guru Edward Fishman on X. Short answer: Expect pullback, at minimum. Beijing’s Foreign Ministry blasted the measures as “unilateral bullying,” but actions speak louder: With Rosneft and Lukoil cut off, Chinese traders face pricier middlemen or a pivot to Saudi or U.S. barrels.

    For Russia, it’s a gut punch. China and India gobble 70% of its energy exports; losing even 20-30% could slash GDP growth from its anemic 1.5% forecast (per IMF) and force trade-offs between bombs and breadlines. “As profit margins shrink, Russia will face difficult… financing a protracted war,” notes Michael Raska of Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University. Dr. Stuart Rollo at Sydney’s Centre for International Security adds that while the sanctions won’t cripple Russia’s industrial base overnight, they “may coerce [it] into accepting peace terms” if paired with Trump’s deal-making flair.

    Putin’s Bluster Meets Economic Reality

    Vladimir Putin, ever the tsar, struck defiant Thursday: “No self-respecting country ever does anything under pressure,” he told Russian reporters, dismissing the sanctions as an “unfriendly act” that won’t dent Moscow’s resolve. Yet cracks show. He conceded “some losses are expected,” and warned of “overwhelming” retaliation if Ukraine gets U.S. Tomahawks—though that’s more theater than threat. Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s hawkish ex-president, raged on Telegram: “The U.S. is our enemy… Trump has fully sided with mad Europe.” But even Kremlin-linked analysts like Igor Yushkov admit Asian buyers will shy away, hiking costs via shadowy intermediaries.

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    Russia’s shadow fleet—aging hulls under UAE flags—has dodged G7 caps before, sustaining flows despite EU embargoes. “New sales schemes will simply appear,” boasts military blogger Mikhail Zvinchuk. Fine, but at what price? Logistics snarls could add $5-10 per barrel, eroding the discounts that hooked India and China. With the EU mulling its 19th sanctions package—including an LNG import ban—and the UK already aboard on Rosneft/Lukoil, isolation is setting in. The Guardian reports Putin floated delaying the Budapest talks for “proper preparation,” but that’s code for stalling.

    Will this end the war? Analysts like Bill Taylor, another ex-U.S. envoy to Kyiv, call it an “indication to Putin that he has to come to the table.” It’s no silver bullet—Russia’s pivoted before, and military momentum in Donbas favors Moscow. But Trump’s calculus is sound: Freeze lines, cede nothing more, and let sanctions do the talking. “If we want Putin to negotiate in good faith, we have to maintain major pressure,” Herbst urges. Under Biden, dithering let Putin dig in; Trump’s resolve is restoring deterrence.

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    Wall Street cheered the news, with energy stocks like ExxonMobil XOM +3.00% ▲ and Chevron CVX +2.50% ▲ on prospects of higher prices and U.S. export booms. Yet Felipe Pohlmann Gonzaga, a Geneva-based trader, cautions the 5% Brent spike “will correct” amid global slowdown fears—China’s property bust, Europe’s recession. Still, for American producers, it’s manna: Permian Basin output hits 6 million barrels/day, and Trump’s LNG push could flood Asia, undercutting Russia’s Urals at $55-60.

    The EU’s frozen Russian assets—$300 billion—now fund a fresh Ukraine loan, per Brussels talks. And as Trump eyes a “cut the way it is” armistice, preserving Zelenskyy’s gains without endless aid, taxpayers win too. No more blank checks; just smart pressure.

    In this high-stakes energy chess game, Trump’s sanctions aren’t just hurting Russia—they’re realigning alliances, punishing enablers, and clearing the board for peace. Putin may bluster, but with India and China peeling away, his war of attrition is cracking. As Trump heads to APEC, the message to Xi and Modi is clear: Join the winning side, or pay the premium. America’s back in the driver’s seat, and the pump prices? A small price for freedom.

  • India Draws Criticism for Joining Russia-Belarus War Games

    India Draws Criticism for Joining Russia-Belarus War Games

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    A helicopter gunship participates in joint Russian-Belarusian military drills at a training ground near Barysaw, Belarus, Monday, Sept. 15, 2025. © Pavel Bednyakov/AP

    In a bold move that has hawkish conservatives in Washington raising alarms, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has dispatched troops to participate in Russia and Belarus’s Zapad-2025 military exercises—drills widely seen as a rehearsal for conflict with NATO neighbors. This “red line” crossing comes amid unraveling relations between New Delhi and the Trump administration, fueled by trade tariffs and perceived slights, signaling Modi’s willingness to cozy up to Vladimir Putin at a time when the free world needs reliable allies against Moscow’s aggression.

    The Zapad maneuvers, kicking off last Friday and wrapping up Tuesday, showcase Russia’s military might with around 30,000 troops from Russia and Belarus spread across Belarus, Russia’s Kaliningrad exclave, the Baltic and Barents seas, and training grounds east of Moscow. At the Borisovsky Training Ground in central Belarus, journalists witnessed a spectacle of firepower: Su-34 fighter bombers dropping bombs, tanks and artillery unleashing barrages, and drones—reconnaissance, kamikaze FPV, and bomber variants—swarming the mock battlefield. Ground-based robots even simulated recovering wounded troops, a nod to lessons from the grinding war in Ukraine.

    These exercises, meaning “West” in Russian, simulate defending against a Western assault on Belarus, with special emphasis on countering Poland’s troop buildup along the border. Belarusian Defense Minister Viktor Khrenin stressed the drills’ defensive nature, pointing to NATO’s “militarization” on their western flank. “We are demonstrating our openness, our peace-loving nature, but we must always keep our powder dry,” he told reporters. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov echoed this, insisting the games are about “continuing military cooperation” between allies, not targeting any third country—though he bluntly accused NATO of being “de facto engaged” in the Ukraine war through aid to Kyiv.

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    Servicemen attend joint Russian-Belarusian military drills at a training ground near Barysaw, Belarus, Monday, Sept. 15, 2025. © Pavel Bednyakov/AP

    Tensions are sky-high after nearly two dozen Russian long-range drones breached Polish airspace last week—the largest such incursion ever into NATO territory. Warsaw shot down at least three with F-16s and Dutch F-35s, calling it intentional escalation. Poland responded by closing its Belarus border and airspace, deploying 40,000 troops. Lithuania and Latvia followed suit, shuttering their Belarusian borders. The drills are expected to feature nuclear demonstrations, Zircon hypersonic missile launches, and operations with the nuclear-capable Oreshnik ballistic missile—already used against Ukraine.

    Enter India: Modi’s government has sent a 65-strong contingent, including elite troops from the storied Kumaon Regiment, to the Mulino training ground near Nizhny Novgorod, Russia—safely away from NATO’s edges. Comprising 57 army personnel, seven from the air force, and one from the navy, the Indian team is engaging in joint training, tactical drills, and special arms skills. New Delhi’s defense ministry framed it as a way to “further strengthen defence co-operation and foster camaraderie between India and Russia, thereby reinforcing the spirit of collaboration and mutual trust.”

    From a conservative viewpoint, this is less about “camaraderie” and more about Modi hedging his bets in a multipolar world, prioritizing cheap Russian arms over strategic alignment with the West. India, long Moscow’s top weapons buyer, has joined Zapad before—even pre-Ukraine invasion—but this year’s participation feels particularly tone-deaf. It follows Modi’s schmoozing with Putin and Xi Jinping at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit, where he hailed India’s “special and privileged” ties with Russia. With the exercises moved deeper into Belarus to avoid provoking the West, and even U.S. military observers in attendance (alongside Turkey and Hungary), the optics are terrible: a nuclear-armed democracy training with aggressors while America foots the bill for Ukraine’s defense.

    A tank rolls during joint Russian-Belarusian military drills at a training ground near Barysaw, Belarus, on Sept. 15, 2025. © Pavel Bednyakov/AP
    A tank rolls during joint Russian-Belarusian military drills at a training ground near Barysaw, Belarus, on Sept. 15, 2025. © Pavel Bednyakov/AP

    U.S. relations with India are hitting turbulence under President Trump. Just a month after Trump’s Alaska summit with Putin, his proposed Putin-Zelenskyy meeting remains in limbo, and he’s balked at new Russia sanctions unless NATO allies curb Russian oil buys and slap tariffs on China. Trump dismissed the Polish drone incursions as possibly “a mistake”—a claim Polish PM Donald Tusk shot down: “We would also wish that the drone attack on Poland was a mistake. But it wasn’t. And we know it.” Adding insult, Trump slapped 50 percent tariffs on most Indian goods, hosted Pakistan’s army chief, and boasted of “ending” an India-Pakistan clash.

    David Merkel, a former U.S. State Department Europe and Eurasia chief turned geostrategy consultant, didn’t mince words: “India’s active participation in the Zapad exercise, following the drone incursion on Poland and chilling relations between Washington and New Delhi, raises concerns about the future extent of the US-India security relationship.” He added that it shows Modi “leaning on” Moscow amid “uncertainty” with Trump. German analyst Ulrich Speck called it a “red line” crossed, while Finnish expert Sari Arho Havren labeled the involvement “unnecessary and terrible optics.”

    This thaw in U.S.-Belarus ties—evidenced by envoy John Cole’s visit lifting sanctions on Belavia airline, plans to reopen the Minsk embassy, and the release of political prisoners—only heightens the irony. Two U.S. officers observed Monday’s drills, shaking hands with Khrenin, who welcomed them warmly. Yet India’s deeper dive underscores a broader conservative worry: as Russia grinds on in Ukraine (where manpower shortages have shrunk Zapad to a fraction of past scales—the 2023 edition was canceled outright), allies like India are playing footsie with the bear, emboldening Putin while straining the transatlantic alliance.

    Modi’s gamble might secure short-term arms deals, but it risks long-term isolation from the West. With Zelenskyy pressing for sanctions and NATO on edge, Trump’s “America First” doctrine demands partners who pick sides—not straddle the line. If India keeps this up, the Quad’s anti-China pivot could falter, leaving the Indo-Pacific vulnerable just as Beijing eyes Taiwan.

  • Trump Slaps 50% Tariff on India Over Russian Oil Purchases

    Trump Slaps 50% Tariff on India Over Russian Oil Purchases

    President Donald Trump is imposing an additional 25 percent tariff on India, lifting the total rate to 50 percent. Trump, writing in an Aug. 6 executive order, said India’s government is “currently directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil.”

    “Accordingly, and as consistent with applicable law, articles of India imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty of 25 percent,” the executive order states.

    Last week, the president announced a 25 percent tariff against India, one of the largest U.S. trading partners. Additionally, India would face another penalty over its purchases of Russian energy and military equipment.

    In an Aug. 5 interview with CNBC’s “Squawk Box,” he confirmed that he would increase the tariff on India “very substantially over the next 24 hours” because it is buying Russian crude oil that is “fueling the war machine.”

    The new tariff rate on India is now the largest of the tariffs imposed on U.S. trading partners.

    While Trump has called Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi a “friend,” he has regularly expressed concerns about India’s trade imbalance, tariffs, and nontariff trade barriers.

    Last year, the U.S. goods trade deficit with India was $45.8 billion, up 5.9 percent from 2023, according to the U.S. Trade Representative’s Office.

    India has also been in the crosshairs of Trump’s targeting of the BRICS coalition, a group of emerging market countries headlined by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

    “BRICS … is basically a group of countries that are anti the United States, and India is a member of that, if you can believe it,” he said at a July 30 press conference.

    “It’s an attack on the dollar, and we are not going to let anybody attack the dollar. So it’s partially BRICS and it’s partially the trade situation.”

    Despite BRICS’ years-long campaign to dethrone the U.S. dollar and embrace bilateral trade settled in local currencies, the greenback remains the dominant currency in global trade. The dollar accounts for nearly half of international payments, SWIFT data for June show.

    Pressure Campaign

    Trump’s announcement follows through on his threats to ratchet up pressure to end the Russia–Ukraine conflict. One strategy the Trump administration has employed is targeting countries buying Russia’s petroleum products, threatening to implement secondary tariffs.

    In an Aug. 4 Truth Social post, the president stated that India is also using the Russian oil it purchases to sell it “on the open market for big products.”

    “They don’t care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine,” he said.

    India has defended the transactions as a means to provide the population with affordable energy since conventional supplies were diverted to Europe following the war in Ukraine.

    “In this background, the targeting of India is unjustified and unreasonable,” a spokesperson for India’s foreign ministry said, adding that the government will employ all necessary measures to protect its economic and national interests.

    Officials also say India is engaged in long-term oil contracts with Russia, making it challenging to break those contracts overnight.

    According to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade, India has accelerated its imports of Russian crude oil since 2022. Last year, India purchased almost $53 billion in oil, up from nearly $49 billion in 2023.

    Last week, Trump reduced his original 50-day deadline for Russia to end the war, giving Moscow 10 to 12 days.

    The Kremlin criticized the White House’s campaign to force countries to eliminate trade with Russia.

    Dmitry Peskov, spokesperson for the Kremlin, says India and other countries should be allowed to select their own trading partners for trade and economic cooperation.

    “We hear many statements that are in fact threats, attempts to force countries to cut trade relations with Russia. We do not consider such statements to be legal,” Peskov told reporters on Aug. 5.

    U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff is in Moscow on Aug. 6, just a few days before Trump’s deadline.

  • Trump Imposes 25% Tariff on India, Hints at Penalties for Russian Oil Purchases

    Trump Imposes 25% Tariff on India, Hints at Penalties for Russian Oil Purchases

    WASHINGTON, D.C. — The United States will impose a 25% tariff on goods from India, plus an additional import tax because of India’s purchasing of Russian oil, President Donald Trump said Wednesday.

    India “is our friend,” Trump said on his Truth Social platform, but its tariffs on U.S. products “are far too high.”

    The Republican president added India buys military equipment and oil from Russia, enabling Moscow’s war in Ukraine. As a result, he intends to charge an additional “penalty” starting on Friday as part of the launch of his administration’s revised tariffs on multiple countries.

    Trump told reporters on Wednesday the two countries were still in the middle of negotiations on trade despite the tariffs slated to begin in a few days.

    “We’re talking to India now,” the president said. “We’ll see what happens.”

    The Indian government said Wednesday it’s studying the implications of Trump’s tariffs announcement.

    India and the U.S. have been engaged in negotiations on concluding a “fair, balanced and mutually beneficial” bilateral trade agreement over the last few months, and New Delhi remains committed to that objective, India’s Trade Ministry said in a statement.

    Trump’s view on tariffs

    Trump’s announcement comes after a slew of negotiated trade frameworks with the European Union, Japan, the Philippines and Indonesia — all of which he said would open markets for American goods while enabling the U.S. to raise tax rates on imports. The president views tariff revenues as a way to help offset the budget deficit increases tied to his recent income tax cuts and generate more domestic factory jobs.

    While Trump has effectively wielded tariffs as a cudgel to reset the terms of trade, the economic impact is uncertain as most economists expect a slowdown in U.S. growth and greater inflationary pressures as some of the costs of the taxes are passed along to domestic businesses and consumers.

    There’s also the possibility of more tariffs coming on trade partners with Russia as well as on pharmaceutical drugs and computer chips. 

    Kevin Hassett, director of the White House National Economic Council, said Trump and U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer would announce the Russia-related tariff rates on India at a later date.

    Tariffs face European pushback

    Trump’s approach of putting a 15% tariff on America’s long-standing allies in the EU is also generating pushback, possibly causing European partners as well as Canada to seek alternatives to U.S. leadership on the world stage.

    French President Emmanuel Macron said Wednesday in the aftermath of the trade framework that Europe “does not see itself sufficiently” as a global power, saying in a cabinet meeting that negotiations with the U.S. will continue as the agreement gets formalized.

    “To be free, you have to be feared,” Macron said. “We have not been feared enough. There is a greater urgency than ever to accelerate the European agenda for sovereignty and competitiveness.”

    Seeking a deeper partnership with India

    Washington has long sought to develop a deeper partnership with New Delhi, which is seen as a bulwark against China.

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    President Donald Trump, front right, gestures as he walks down the stairs of Air Force One with his grandchildren, Spencer, left, and Chloe, back center, upon his arrival at Joint Base Andrews, Md., Tuesday, July 29, 2025. © AP Photo/Luis M. Alvarez

    Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has established a good working relationship with Trump, and the two leaders are likely to further boost cooperation between their countries. When Trump in February met with Modi, the U.S. president said that India would start buying American oil and natural gas.

    The new tariffs on India could complicate its goal of doubling bilateral trade with the U.S. to $500 billion by 2030. The two countries have had five rounds of negotiations for a bilateral trade agreement. While U.S. has been seeking greater market access and zero tariff on almost all its exports, India has expressed reservations on throwing open sectors such as agriculture and dairy, which employ a bulk of the country’s population for livelihood, Indian officials said.

    The Census Bureau reported that the U.S. ran a $45.8 billion trade imbalance in goods with India last year, meaning it imported more than it exported.

    At a population exceeding 1.4 billion people, India is the world’s largest country and a possible geopolitical counterbalance to China. India and Russia have close relations, and New Delhi has not supported Western sanctions on Moscow over its war in Ukraine.

    The new tariffs could put India at a disadvantage in the U.S. market relative to Vietnam, Bangladesh and, possibly, China, said Ajay Sahai, director general of the Federation of Indian Export Organisations.

    “We are back to square one as Trump hasn’t spelled out what the penalties would be in addition to the tariff,” Sahai said. “The demand for Indian goods is bound to be hit.”

  • Cockpit recording from Air India suggests the captain cut fuel to the engines before the crash, source says

    Cockpit recording from Air India suggests the captain cut fuel to the engines before the crash, source says

    A cockpit recording of dialogue between the two pilots of the Air India flight that crashed last month supports the view that the captain cut the flow of fuel to the plane’s engines, said a source briefed on U.S. officials’ early assessment of evidence.

    The first officer was at the controls of the Boeing 787 and asked the captain why he moved the fuel switches into a position that starved the engines of fuel and requested that he restore the fuel flow, the source told Reuters on condition of anonymity because the matter remains under investigation.

    The U.S. assessment is not contained in a formal document, said the source, who emphasized the cause of the June 12 crash in Ahmedabad, India, that killed 260 people remains under investigation.

    There was no cockpit video recording definitively showing which pilot flipped the switches, but the weight of evidence from the conversation points to the captain, according to the early assessment.

    The Wall Street Journal first reported similar information on Wednesday about the world’s deadliest aviation accident in a decade.

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    A police officer stands in front of the wreckage of an Air India aircraft, bound for London’s Gatwick Airport, which crashed during take-off from an airport in Ahmedabad, India June 12, 2025. (REUTERS/Adnan Abidi/File Photo)

    India’s Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB), which is leading the investigation into the crash, said in a statement on Thursday that “certain sections of the international media are repeatedly attempting to draw conclusions through selective and unverified reporting.” It added the investigation was ongoing and it remained too early to draw definitive conclusions.

    Most air crashes are caused by multiple factors, and under international rules, a final report is expected within a year of an accident.

    A preliminary report released by the AAIB on Saturday said one pilot was heard on the cockpit voice recorder asking the other why he cut off the fuel and “the other pilot responded that he did not do so.”

    Investigators did not identify which remarks were made by Captain Sumeet Sabharwal and which by First Officer Clive Kunder, who had total flying experience of 15,638 hours and 3,403 hours, respectively.

    The AAIB’s preliminary report said the fuel switches had switched from “run” to “cutoff” a second apart just after takeoff, but it did not say how they were moved.

    Almost immediately after the plane lifted off the ground, closed-circuit TV footage showed a backup energy source called a ram air turbine had deployed, indicating a loss of power from the engines.

    The London-bound plane began to lose thrust, and after reaching a height of 650 feet, the jet started to sink.

    The fuel switches for both engines were turned back to “run”, and the airplane automatically tried restarting the engines, the report said.

    But the plane was too low and too slow to be able to recover, aviation safety expert John Nance told Reuters.

    The plane clipped some trees and a chimney before crashing in a fireball into a building on a nearby medical college campus, the report said, killing 19 people on the ground and 241 of the 242 on board the 787.

    No safety recommendations

    In an internal memo on Monday, Air India CEO Campbell Wilson said the preliminary report found no mechanical or maintenance faults and that all required maintenance had been carried out.

    The AAIB’s preliminary report had no safety recommendations for Boeing or engine manufacturer GE.

    After the report was released, the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration and Boeing privately issued notifications that the fuel switch locks on Boeing planes are safe, a document seen by Reuters showed and four sources with knowledge of the matter said.

    The U.S. National Transportation Safety Board has been assisting with the Air India investigation and its Chair Jennifer Homendy has been fully briefed on all aspects, a board spokesperson said. That includes the cockpit voice recording and details from the flight data recorder that the NTSB team assisted the AAIB in reading out, the spokesperson added.

    “The safety of international air travel depends on learning as much as we can from these rare events so that industry and regulators can improve aviation safety,” Homendy said in a statement. “And if there are no immediate safety issues discovered, we need to know that as well.”

    The circumstantial evidence increasingly indicates that a crew member flipped the engine fuel switches, Nance said, given there was “no other rational explanation” that was consistent with the information released to date.

    Nonetheless, investigators “still have to dig into all the factors” and rule out other possible contributing factors which would take time, he said.

    The Air India crash has rekindled debate over adding flight deck cameras, known as cockpit image recorders, on airliners.

    Nance said investigators likely would have benefited greatly from having video footage of the cockpit during the Air India flight.

  • Tesla Set to Launch in India With Planned Showroom Opening

    Tesla Set to Launch in India With Planned Showroom Opening

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    Mumbai, India – Tesla Inc. is set to make its long-awaited debut in India next week, officially entering the world’s third-largest automobile market with the opening of its first showroom in Mumbai.

    The U.S. electric vehicle (EV) pioneer will unveil its new Tesla Experience Center on July 15, located at the upscale Maker Maxity Mall in the Bandra Kurla Complex (BKC), Mumbai’s premier business district. According to an event invitation obtained by The NY Budgets, the launch event will run for approximately 90 minutes, marking a significant milestone for the company and Indian EV enthusiasts alike.

    The new Experience Center will showcase Tesla’s flagship EVs, including the Model 3 and Model Y, and serve as a hub for direct sales, test drives, and customer engagement. Tesla is expected to begin direct sales in India immediately following the launch, offering a fully digital ordering process through its official website and showroom network.

    This is Tesla’s first official presence in India after years of anticipation, regulatory hurdles, and discussions about tariffs and factory investments.

    Tesla CEO Elon Musk has long expressed interest in the Indian market. The company’s momentum picked up after a high-profile virtual meeting between Musk and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in April. The two reportedly discussed cooperation in technology, renewable energy, and innovation.

    During the same month, Tesla’s Chief Financial Officer noted the company had been “very careful” in timing its India entry, signaling strategic caution given India’s complex regulatory and competitive landscape.

    Despite India’s population of over 1.4 billion and growing middle class, EV adoption has been slow due to infrastructure challenges, high upfront costs, and limited availability of premium EVs.

    Tesla will not manufacture locally in India, at least initially. Vehicles sold in India will be imported from its Shanghai Gigafactory in China and the Gigafactory Berlin-Brandenburg in Germany. This means Indian buyers may face import duties of up to 70%, making Tesla’s cars significantly more expensive compared to domestic EVs.

    India has offered incentives to reduce the import duty to 15% — but only for companies that invest $500 million or more in local manufacturing. However, according to Indian Minister of Heavy Industries, H.D. Kumaraswamy, Tesla currently has “no interest” in setting up a local plant.

    This stance may evolve if demand in India proves strong enough to justify local assembly or a full-scale Gigafactory.

    Tesla’s entry into India will put it in direct competition with major players in the local EV scene:

    BYD (Build Your Dreams), the Chinese EV giant, already operates in India with its Atto 3 electric SUV and E6 MPV. Tata Motors, a dominant domestic automaker, leads the Indian EV market with its affordable and widely accepted models like the Nexon EV and Tigor EV. Mahindra Electric and MG Motor India are also expanding their EV portfolios aggressively.

    While Tesla brings brand prestige and advanced software like Autopilot, its premium pricing may be a hurdle in a price-sensitive market.

    Tesla is already staffing up in India. According to LinkedIn job postings, Tesla is hiring in Mumbai for positions such as:

    India’s EV market is growing rapidly. According to industry estimates, EV sales in India surged 160% year-over-year in 2024, reaching over 1.5 million units. However, premium EVs make up less than 5% of total EV sales, indicating Tesla will initially be playing to a niche demographic.

    Still, India’s push for clean energy, rapid urbanization, and growing affluence in metro cities make it a potentially lucrative long-term market. Government-backed incentives under the FAME II scheme (Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Electric Vehicles in India) have also been expanded to encourage adoption.

    If Tesla successfully navigates India’s tariff structure, infrastructure limitations, and price sensitivity, it could unlock a vast market with significant upside in the coming years.

  • The U.S. helped bring about an India-Pakistan ceasefire. Will it endure?

    The U.S. helped bring about an India-Pakistan ceasefire. Will it endure?

    NEW DELHI — Over four nerve-racking nights, missiles and drones streaked across the skies of major cities in India and Pakistan, as the nuclear-armed neighbors appeared to be sliding toward all-out war. Then, seemingly out of nowhere, President Donald Trump announced a truce.

    “India and Pakistan have agreed to a FULL AND IMMEDIATE CEASEFIRE,” Trump posted to Truth Social on Saturday, saying the deal had been reached “after a long night of talks mediated by the United States.”

    The sudden announcement of a U.S.-brokered ceasefire followed four days of steady escalation between the regional rivals, and mixed signals from Washington over whether it would reprise its traditional role as mediator.

    Amid celebrations in India and Pakistan on Saturday, and self-congratulations in Washington, Kashmir endured another night of violence, with both sides claiming violations — a grim reminder that the deal seems only to have temporarily contained one of the world’s longest-running conflicts rather than ended it.

    A person familiar with the situation, who like others in this article spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive negotiations, said Vice President JD Vance called Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi around noon in Washington on Friday after senior U.S. officials became increasingly worried about the spiraling situation.

    The person said Vance provided Modi with a potential “off-ramp” that U.S. officials understood Pakistani officials would be willing to accept. Over the next 12 to 18 hours, key U.S. officials worked the phones with counterparts on both sides, the person said.

    Secretary of State Marco Rubio spent much of Friday night going back and forth between senior Indian and Pakistani officials to seal the deal, according to a senior U.S. official.

    “We commend Prime Ministers Modi and Sharif on their wisdom, prudence, and statesmanship in choosing the path of peace,” Rubio posted Saturday on X, adding that Vance had joined him in the efforts.

    The role of the vice president was especially surprising, coming just a day after he had seemed to dismiss the possibility of a U.S. diplomatic intervention: “We’re not going to get involved in the middle of a war that’s fundamentally none of our business and has nothing to do with America’s ability to control it,” Vance told Fox News on Thursday.

    “We can’t control these countries,” he added.

    Islamabad was quick on Saturday to acknowledge the U.S. role. One Pakistani official said the agreement rested on two factors: “One is the serious risk of escalation, and second, the White House administration — the external intervention.”

    “We should give the credit where it is due,” the official added.

    “De-escalation has ultimately come through the old playbook: the third party actors, led by the U.S.,” Moeed W. Yusuf, a former national security adviser for Pakistan, posted on X.

    Indian officials were less forthcoming about the American role. Some commentators in New Delhi openly took issue with Rubio’s claim that India had agreed to “talks on a broad set of issues” with Pakistan; others pointed out that India has traditionally been opposed to third-party mediation on the disputed territory of Kashmir, preferring to handle the issue bilaterally.

    But it was not the first time the U.S. has helped dial down tensions between the South Asian powers. In July 1999, President Bill Clinton hosted Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in Washington at the height of the Kargil War and pressured him to withdraw his forces from Indian-administered territory.

    Saturday’s ceasefire, however tenuous, is a win for an administration that has so far failed to deliver on Trump’s campaign promises to end wars in Ukraine and Gaza.

    U.S. diplomatic efforts seemed to gather pace Thursday, when Rubio spoke with Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.

    On the ground, though, the conflict was still heating up, as the countries exchanged strikes on military sites overnight Saturday and Pakistan announced the launch of “Operation Iron Wall.”

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    A girl holds photos of Pakistani Army Chief Asim Munir on May 2 as people in Karachi, Pakistan, protest India amid violence in Kashmir. (Rehan Khan/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)

    It was then that Rubio reached out to Pakistani Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir, according to officials in Islamabad.

    “I’d say what made the difference was Rubio’s conversation with Munir,” said Indrani Bagchi, the founder and CEO of the Ananta Aspen Center in New Delhi.

    Later on Saturday, Rubio spoke with Ishaq Dar, Pakistan’s foreign minister. Dar told Geo News that Rubio urged him to de-escalate the situation because “both countries are nuclear states and the world would not support this.”

    “The ball is in the Indians’ court,” Dar recounted telling Rubio, who then called India’s foreign minister, Jaishankar.

    Hours later, around 3:30 p.m. in South Asia, Pakistan’s director general of military operations called his counterpart in India, said Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri. A Pakistani official disputed that Islamabad had initiated the outreach.

    Ultimately, though, both sides agreed that they would “stop all firing and military action” on land, air and sea from 5 p.m. onward, Misri said in a news conference Saturday evening.

    Any hope that the pause in fighting would lead to a more lasting détente was quickly dispelled. Across Indian media on Saturday evening, an unattributed blast went out from the government: “India declares any future act of terror will be treated as act of war,” television anchors read verbatim.

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    Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri addresses the media at a news briefing in New Delhi on Saturday. (Karma Bhutia/AP)

    Bagchi said India was “redefining its war doctrine” and “keeping the route open for further military action if there is another terror attack.”

    Within hours, eyewitnesses along the Line of Control separating Indian- and Pakistani-administered Kashmir reported loud explosions and swarms of drones overhead. New Delhi accused Pakistan of violating the ceasefire, which Islamabad strenuously denied.

    “We may be entering into a situation that is much more similar to crises that Israel has experienced in the Middle East over the last three decades, where it’s just very possible there could be strikes and counterstrikes,” said Christopher Clary, a nonresident fellow at the Stimson Center’s South Asia program in Washington.

    Ashley Tellis, a former State Department and National Security Council official, said Rubio had to “thread a tricky needle” in negotiating the ceasefire. The Trump administration supported India’s right to defend itself after a deadly attack by militants last month in Indian-administered Kashmir, but it also did not want India’s retaliation to “spin out of control.”

    The intervention ultimately succeeded, Tellis said, “because neither India nor Pakistan sought an escalation to major war, and both sides had inflicted enough damage on the other to claim the victory.”

    India claims to have inflicted damage on Pakistani bases, taken out an air radar system in Lahore, and destroyed “terrorist camps” where it said further cross-border attacks were being planned. Pakistani officials claim to have hit military targets deep inside India and to have downed five of its adversary’s fighter jets.

    A Washington Post visual analysis found that India appeared to lose at least two French-made fighter jets during its initial attacks inside Pakistan on Wednesday morning — a Rafale and a Mirage 2000.

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    People look at a damaged part of an aircraft in Wuyan, a village in Indian-administered Kashmir, on Wednesday. (Tauseef Mustafa/AFP/Getty Images)

    Misri, India’s foreign secretary, told reporters that the two directors general of military operations will talk again Monday. But there were no plans to discuss other issues, he cautioned, signaling the fragility of the current calm.

    “The quick disavowal by the government of India of the beginning of a political process should give the U.S. cause to doubt that this is much more than a ceasefire,” Clary said.

    Bagchi put it more bluntly: The two countries had already “burned all bridges,” she said.

  • Visual evidence indicates that at least two Indian aircraft seem to have crashed during Pakistani strikes

    Visual evidence indicates that at least two Indian aircraft seem to have crashed during Pakistani strikes

    India’s air force appears to have lost at least two fighter jets, including one of its most advanced models, during attacks Wednesday morning on sites in Pakistan and Pakistani-administered Kashmir, according to a review of visual evidence by The Washington Post.

    Islamabad said Wednesday it had downed five Indian warplanes. New Delhi has neither confirmed nor denied the Pakistani claims; India’s military and its ministry of external affairs did not respond to a request for comment.

    In a review of more than a dozen images and videos posted online in the aftermath of the strikes, The Post verified debris consistent with at least two French-made fighter jets flown by the Indian Air Force — a Rafale and a Mirage 2000.

    The Post based its findings on analysis by Trevor Ball, a former explosive ordnance disposal technician for the U.S. Army; Etienne Marcuz, an associate fellow at the Foundation for Strategic Research; and a French airpower expert with military experience who shared his analysis on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media. The experts could not determine whether the planes were shot down or crashed due to other reasons. The fate of the pilots was also unclear.

    The loss of multiple fighter jets would represent the worst setback in battle for India’s air force in recent memory; in 2019, during the last round of fighting between the nuclear-armed neighbors, India acknowledged one of its jets was shot down by Pakistan.

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    India’s strikes inside Pakistan — launched in retaliation for a deadly militant attack on tourists last month in Indian-administered Kashmir — were the deepest in more than half a century; mutual accusations of drone attacks and border violations in the days that followed have brought the archrivals to the brink of full-scale conflict.

    “There’s a lot of political weight being put behind the planes because neither side has yet crossed a threshold of full-scale conventional warfare,” said Sameer Lalwani, a fellow at the D.C.-based Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.

    The Rafale, manufactured by the French company Dassault Aviation, is an advanced fighter aircraft first delivered to India in 2019 — one of the country’s most significant purchases in recent years as it has sought to modernize its air force and compete with regional powers like China.

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    United States Air Force and Indian Air Force personnel pose in front of a Rafale fighter jet during a joint exercise in India on April 24, 2023. (Debajyoti Chakraborty/NurPhoto/AP)

    The word “Rafale” is stenciled in white on the vertical stabilizer in one image of the wreckage, alongside the letters “BS 001” and an Indian flag. The markings matched those on the vertical stabilizer of an Indian air force Rafale seen in images posted online in 2021.

    Image widely shared on X shows what experts said was a vertical stabilizer of a Rafale aircraft.
    Image widely shared on X shows what experts said was a vertical stabilizer of a Rafale aircraft.

    The Post could not independently geolocate the images of the wreckage, which were said to have been taken near the village of Akalia Khurd in Punjab, about 45 miles from India’s border with Pakistan. But they did not appear to have been posted online before Wednesday, and local reports said Indian military authorities had responded to a crash in the area and collected the wreckage. One farmer was killed by a postcrash blast after being the first to reach the site, the Indian Express reported.

    Other photos taken in Wuyan, a village in Indian-administered Kashmir about 80 miles from the Pakistani border, showed what all three experts agreed was an external fuel tank belonging to a Mirage 2000, an older fighter aircraft also manufactured by Dassault that entered Indian military service in the 1980s.

    Image: Sharafat Ali/Reuters
    Image: Sharafat Ali/Reuters

    Fuel tanks can be jettisoned in response to a mechanical failure or combat damage, or to make a jet more maneuverable in battle, so are not on their own proof of a crash. But just a quarter-mile away, eyewitnesses reported a plane crashing into a primary school soon after the Indian strikes began. Part of a jet engine is visible within the flaming wreckage of the school in a video posted the night of the attack, according to Ball and the French airpower expert, which suggests an aircraft went down there.

    Another video, posted Thursday by the school on Facebook, showed schoolgirls picking up fallen tree limbs and commentators expressing hope it would be rebuilt.

    Yet another video, which The Post could not geolocate but which multiple accounts said was filmed near Akalia Khurd, showed an unexploded French-made MICA missile on the ground, still attached to its launcher, the experts said. Such a missile and launcher could be attached to either a Rafale or a Mirage, they said.

    “These missile launch rails are attached to the aircraft, and it being on the ground, along with the large fire in the background indicates a crash likely occurred,” Ball said.

    The Post identified an apparent third crash site in Akhnoor, in Indian-administered Kashmir, based on videos and news reports from the day, but it was not possible to determine what type of aircraft was in the wreckage from the available visuals.

    Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said Pakistani planes never entered Indian territory and only shot down the Indian aircraft after they had “delivered their payload.”

    Arzan Tarapore, a research scholar focusing on Indian military strategy at Stanford University, said India’s silence on the planes was unsurprising.

    “The Indian government during a crisis is typically very guarded about operational details,” he said. “It’s harder to be restrained and control the trajectory of the crisis if you admit to severe losses.”

    Sushant Singh, a Yale University lecturer and former Indian military official, said the lack of comment from New Delhi has also allowed Pakistan to “claim a win, and maybe that could be an off-ramp” for escalation.

  • India has decided to include caste-based information in its next population count

    India has decided to include caste-based information in its next population count

     India will include caste details in its next census, in a move likely to have sweeping socio-economic and political ramifications for the world’s most populous country.

    Information Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw didn’t say when the census would begin when he announced it would include caste information Wednesday. He said the decision demonstrated New Delhi’s commitment to the “values and interests of the society and country.”

    The count is likely lead to demands to raise the country’s quotas that reserve government jobs, college admissions and elected offices for some categories of castes, especially for a swathe of lower and intermediate castes that are recognized as Other Backward Classes. India’s current policy caps quotas at 50%, with 27% reserved for OBCs.

    Caste is an ancient system of social hierarchy in India and is critical to Indian life and politics. There are hundreds of caste groups based on occupation and economic status across India, particularly among Hindus, but the country has limited, or outdated data on how many people belong to them.

    Successive Indian governments have resisted updating caste data, arguing that it could lead to social unrest. But its supporters say detailed demographic information is necessary to properly implementing India’s many social justice programs.

    Colonial ruler Britain began an Indian census in 1872 and counted all castes until 1931. However, independent India since 1951 only counted Dalits and Adivasis, who are referred to as scheduled castes and tribes, respectively. Everyone else’s caste was marked as general.

    The next once-in-a-decade population survey was originally due in 2021, but has been delayed mainly by the COVID-19 pandemic and logistical hurdles. The last official census in 2011 counted 1.21 billion people, of which 2011 million were scheduled castes and 104 million were scheduled tribes.

    India surpassed China to become the most populous country in April 2023 with an estimated 1.425 billion people, according to the U.N.’s Department of Economic and Social Affairs.

    The announcement on the census comes months ahead of a crucial election in India’s poorest state of Bihar, where caste is a key issue. Modi’s party runs a coalition government in Bihar.

    The opposition and Modi’s partners have pressed the government to count caste in a new census. Modi’s Hindu nationalist party has in the past opposed the idea of counting people by caste, saying it would deepen social divisions in the country.

    Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi of the Congress Party wrote on X that “It is clear that the pressure we put on the government for Caste Census has worked.”

    Two Indian states, northern Bihar and southern Karnataka, have already released caste surveys, both showing a higher number of backward castes and prompting demands to raise quotas.

    Two southern states, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, are also planning to undertake similar surveys.

    Vaishnaw said including caste details in the national census would improve transparency, while adding that some states ruled by opposition parties have done their own caste surveys for political gain.

    Fortunes of many of these political parties, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, depend on alliance of castes, particularly those in the OBC category.

    On Wednesday, Amit Shah, India’s powerful home minister, called the move “historic” and said it “will empower all economically and socially backward sections.”

  • US Agency Investigates Employee Discrimination Allegations Against India’s TCS

    US Agency Investigates Employee Discrimination Allegations Against India’s TCS

    The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) has launched an investigation into allegations of workplace discrimination against Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), India’s largest IT services company. The probe follows complaints from American workers who claim they were unfairly replaced by lower-cost Indian employees on work visas.

    The EEOC, a federal agency responsible for enforcing anti-discrimination laws, is examining whether TCS systematically favored Indian workers over U.S. citizens and green card holders in hiring and layoffs. The complaints allege that TCS disproportionately terminated American employees while retaining or hiring workers on H-1B and L-1 visas, which are often used to bring foreign talent into the U.S.

    This is not the first time TCS has faced such scrutiny. In 2018, a U.S. jury ordered the company to pay $140 million in punitive damages to a former American employee who claimed he was fired because of his nationality. TCS later settled the case for an undisclosed amount.

    According to sources familiar with the matter, multiple former TCS employees in the U.S. have submitted sworn statements to the EEOC, alleging:

    Discriminatory Hiring Practices: Preferential treatment given to Indian workers in recruitment and promotions.

    Biased Layoffs: American employees were disproportionately targeted in workforce reductions.

    Retaliation: Some whistleblowers claim they faced retaliation after raising concerns internally.

    The EEOC’s investigation could lead to a lawsuit if the agency finds sufficient evidence of systemic discrimination.

    TCS, a subsidiary of Tata Group, has denied any wrongdoing. In a statement, the company said:
    “TCS is an equal opportunity employer and adheres to all local laws and regulations in the U.S. We value diversity and inclusion and are cooperating fully with the EEOC’s inquiry. The allegations do not reflect our corporate policies or practices.”

    The company employs over 40,000 workers in the U.S. and has been expanding its local hiring initiatives in recent years, partly in response to stricter U.S. visa policies.

    The case highlights ongoing tensions in the U.S. tech industry over the use of foreign work visas. Critics argue that some companies misuse the H-1B program to replace American workers with cheaper labor, while proponents say it helps fill critical skill gaps.

    The Biden administration has taken steps to tighten H-1B regulations, including increasing scrutiny of visa applications and prioritizing higher-wage roles. If the EEOC finds merit in the claims against TCS, it could lead to stricter enforcement actions against other IT outsourcing firms.

    The EEOC’s investigation is expected to take several months. If a settlement is not reached, the agency may file a lawsuit against TCS, potentially resulting in financial penalties and mandated changes to hiring practices.

    Legal experts suggest that the outcome could influence how other Indian IT firms, such as Infosys and Wipro—which have faced similar allegations—operate in the U.S.

    For now, the case serves as a reminder of the legal and reputational risks global companies face in balancing cost efficiencies with fair employment practices.

  • The High Cost of Trump’s Drug Tariffs: A Political Minefield

    The High Cost of Trump’s Drug Tariffs: A Political Minefield

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    A Illusion orange color Medicine tablet. Jeff Henry/The NewYorkBudgets

    President Trump’s decision to move a step closer to imposing tariffs on imported medicines poses considerable political risk, because Americans could face higher prices and more shortages of critical drugs.

    The Trump administration filed a federal notice on Monday saying that it had begun an investigation into whether imports of medicines and pharmaceutical ingredients threaten America’s national security, an effort to lay the groundwork for possible tariffs on foreign-made drugs.

    Mr. Trump has repeatedly said he planned to impose such levies, to shift overseas production of medicines back to the United States. Experts said that tariffs were unlikely to achieve that goal: Moving manufacturing would be hugely expensive and would take years.

    It was not clear how long the investigation would last or when the planned tariffs might go into effect. Mr. Trump started the inquiry under a legal authority known as Section 232 that he has used for other industries like cars and lumber.

    Mr. Trump said in remarks to reporters on Monday that pharmaceutical tariffs would come in the “not too distant future.”

    “We don’t make our own drugs anymore,” Mr. Trump said. “The drug companies are in Ireland, and they’re in lots of other places, China.”

    While some drugs are made at least in part in the United States, America’s reliance on China for medicines has generated alarm for years, with both Republicans and Democrats identifying it as a national security vulnerability.

    Many drugs are not produced without at least one stage of the manufacturing process happening in China. Even India’s giant generic drug sector is deeply dependent on China, because Indian manufacturers typically obtain their raw materials from Chinese plants.

    Imposing disruptive levies on lifesaving medications creates risks for Mr. Trump that were not a major concern with some of his other tariff targets, like steel and aluminum, where Americans generally aren’t directly exposed to increased prices.

    He could face a harsh backlash if pharmaceutical tariffs lead to significant drug price increases or shortages for patients. The number of drug shortages reached a record-level high last year. Americans fill several billion prescriptions a year, on top of purchasing over-the-counter products like cough syrup and Tylenol.

    On Tuesday, Mr. Trump signed an executive order outlining a series of actions intended to lower drug prices, including helping states import drugs from Canada. The idea behind these imports is to bring in cheaper drugs, but tariffs could mean that those imports would not offer the same savings as in the past.

    If pharmaceutical tariffs cause an increase in any drug prices, Democrats could jump on the issue for the midterm elections next year and try to undercut Mr. Trump’s popularity among working-class voters.

    Democrats have already seized on the issue. In a letter sent to Trump officials last week, a group of lawmakers led by Representatives Doris Matsui of California and Brad Schneider of Illinois wrote that “reckless tariffs” on medicines threatened to harm Americans.

    “The supply disruptions of critical medical products will unavoidably hurt U.S. patients, force providers to make impossible rationing decisions, and potentially even result in death as treatments are delayed, or more effective medicines and products are swapped for less effective alternatives,” they wrote.

    Kush Desai, a spokesman for the White House, said in a statement on Monday that “President Trump has long been clear about the importance of reshoring manufacturing that is critical to our country’s national and economic security.”

    Targeting pharmaceuticals also risks further inflaming relations with allies like the European Union and India, whose economies are supported by drug exports to the United States. Officials of those countries fear that drug tariffs could prompt companies to renege on investments, resulting in a loss of jobs, factories and tax revenue.

    Along with cars and electronics, pharmaceuticals are one of the categories of goods that the United States imports the most, measured by value.

    Tariffs on drugs would add tens of billions of dollars of import costs for a powerful industry that relies on a complex global supply chain. Production of most medications consumed in the United States happens in more than one part of the world, with plants in different countries handling different stages of the process.

    Expensive patented medications, like the popular weight-loss drug Wegovy, are more likely to be made in Europe or the United States.

    China and India do most of the production of cheaper generic drugs, which account for the vast majority of U.S. prescriptions. For example, plants in those countries make nearly all of the world’s supply of the active ingredients in the painkiller ibuprofen and the antibiotic ciprofloxacin, according to Clarivate, an industry data provider.

    Pharmaceuticals are the latest sector that Mr. Trump has targeted. Tariffs of 25 percent are already in effect for imported steel, aluminum and cars. The Trump administration has also initiated Section 232 investigations, or inquiries into national security concerns, for copper, lumber and computer chips.

    Investigations under the 232 provision must be completed within nine months.

    The drug industry has been lobbying the Trump administration to phase in tariffs gradually or to exempt certain types of products, such as medications at risk of shortages or those deemed essential, like antibiotics.

    John Murphy III, the head of a trade group that represents manufacturers of generic drugs, said in a statement on Monday that tariffs “will only amplify the problems that already exist in the U.S. market for affordable medicines.”

    The tariffs would be paid by drug companies importing products or ingredients into the United States. Many of those manufacturers would most likely try to pass at least some of the added costs to employers and government programs like Medicare and Medicaid that cover most of the tab for Americans’ prescription drugs. That would ultimately affect patients.

    Levies could cause shortages of some cheaper generic drugs, because prices are so close to production costs. Manufacturers with such thin margins may be forced to curtail or end production.

    Industry experts said they were not concerned about shortages for brand-name drugs, which generally have high profit margins that could absorb tariffs.

    Patients whose insurance requires them to pay a deductible or a percentage of a drug’s price could eventually face higher out-of-pocket costs for some drugs. They may also have to pay a higher co-payment if shortages resulting from the tariffs force them to switch to a different, pricier medication. In future years, people could face higher health insurance premiums.

    In some cases, contractual agreements and steep financial penalties may discourage manufacturers from sharply raising prices. With patented products, manufacturers typically have such large margins that their sales would still be highly profitable even if they absorbed the cost of tariffs.

    David Ricks, the chief executive of Eli Lilly, told the BBC earlier this month that his company expected to eat the cost of tariffs. But Lilly could reduce its research spending or cut staffing as a result, he said.

    Mr. Trump has been saying that his tariffs will prompt drugmakers to move their overseas production back to the United States. In recent weeks, several of the industry’s richest companies — Eli Lilly, Johnson & Johnson and Novartis — announced plans to spend billions of dollars to build new plants in the United States.

    But experts say the tariffs aren’t nearly enough to bring most drug production back to the United States. The obstacles are especially steep with crucial generic drugs. Building a new plant takes years. Even shifting production to an existing American plant may be too costly. Labor and other production expenses are much higher in the United States.

    Joaquin Duato, chief executive of Johnson & Johnson, said on a call with analysts on Tuesday that “if what you want is to build manufacturing capacity in the U.S., both in med-tech and in pharmaceuticals, the most effective answer is not tariffs, but tax policy.”

    The Trump administration has been taking aim at Ireland, where nearly all of the largest American drugmakers have a manufacturing presence, in some cases dating back decades. One of Ireland’s biggest appeals for the industry is the tax advantages it offers. Some drugmakers shift their profits there to lower their overall tax bills.

    Last month, Mr. Trump said that Ireland “took our pharmaceutical companies away.” Howard Lutnick, the commerce secretary, saidthat Ireland was running a “tax scam” that American pharmaceutical companies were exploiting. “That’s got to end,” Mr. Lutnick said.

    Some of the industry’s biggest blockbusters, including the cancer drug Keytruda and the anti-wrinkle injection Botox, are partly produced in Ireland. The United States imports more pharmaceutical products, as measured by their value, from Ireland than any other country.

    Irish officials fear that tariffs could prompt drugmakers to pull back from investments in the country. But experts said that drugmakers may be reluctant to undergo the costly, disruptive process of uprooting their operations there, especially while uncertainty persists about how long Mr. Trump’s tariffs will last.

    Pharmaceuticals have historically been spared from tariffs under a World Trade Organization agreement meant to ensure that patients have access to vital medications.

    Medications were mostly exempted from the round of global tariffs Mr. Trump announced earlier this month and then partly delayed for 90 days. Drugmakers importing from China into the United States have been subject to tariffs, initially 10 percent and later 20 percent, that Mr. Trump had imposed on Chinese imports earlier this year.