The Supreme Court on Friday struck down a swath of President Trump’s tariffs, paving the way for businesses to try to reclaim billions of dollars.
The decision was a major blow for the Trump administration, which had said the money could be used to help pay down federal debt, fund rebate checks to Americans and bail out farmers hurt by tariffs. Trump even claimed that tariff revenues would be large enough to replace the need for income taxes.
On Friday, Trump panned the decision and said he would sign an order to impose a 10% global tariff under a different authority, “over and above our normal tariffs already being charged.”
Source: Treasury Department
Through mid-December, U.S. Customs and Border Protection had brought in about $133.5 billion worth of tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), the law that was struck down. Such tariffs accounted for about 67% of the tariffs collected in the 2025 fiscal year, which runs through September, and 57% of the tariffs collected between the end of September and Dec 14.
Altogether, including a host of miscellaneous duties not related to trade measures by the president, customs collected fees of about $202 billion in the 2025 fiscal year, about 2.4 times the total amount collected the previous year.
The Supreme Court didn’t provide guidance on whether, or how, tariffs would be refunded, likely leaving those issues to lower courts. Still, trade lawyers say that hundreds of firms have already filed lawsuits to increase their chances of clawing back money.
The president declared 10% across-the-board tariffs on all imports back in April, and imposed even higher rates on a slew of nations. His team branded these “reciprocal” tariffs, saying they were intended to ensure fair treatment for American companies and goods.
Trump walked back or delayed some of the threatened reciprocal tariffs. But the government was still able to collect significant sums from major trading partners using different tariffs also imposed under IEEPA. In regard to China, the president at one point slapped the nation with 125% “reciprocal” duties and added another 20% for the country’s alleged role in the fentanyl trade. The two tariffs were each lowered to 10% under a trade agreement later.
Activist investor Boaz Weinstein is offering to buy shares in Blue Owl Capital Inc.’s business development companies after a challenging week for the lender and broader fears about bubbling risks in the $1.8 trillion private credit market.
Saba Capital Management, led by Weinstein, and Cox Capital Partners launched the tender with an offer price that’s expected to be at a 20% to 35% discount to the most recent estimated net asset value and dividend reinvestment price. That will be determined when tender offers start after a 10-business day notice period, Cox and Saba said in a statement Friday.
Existing shareholders in the non-traded BDCs would have the option — but no obligation — to sell to the firms.
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The price that any tender clears at will provide a window into where the market gauges the value of these funds and if it reflects Blue Owl’s internal net asset value. Steeply discounted exits could hurt future fundraising efforts.
“The purchasers’ tender offers would provide a liquidity solution to retail investors in the wake of a significant industry-wide increase in BDC redemption requests, multiple quarters of net outflows and a rise in redemption gate provisions,” Saba and Cox said in the statement.
The move comes just days after Blue Owl decided to restrict withdrawals from one of its private credit funds. Facing a looming deadline to return cash to investors in Blue Owl Capital Corp. II, also known as OBDC II, it raised capital by selling a $1.4 billion portfolio of loans to three of North America’s biggest pension funds and its own insurance firm.
Boaz Weinstein. (Jason Alden/Bloomberg)
Blue Owl shares extended losses on Friday, closing the week at their lowest level since June 2023, while shares in other asset managers also sold off.
“Saba and Cox are looking to capitalize on the headlines in the market,” said Michael Covello, executive managing director at investment bank Robert A. Stanger & Co. Inc.
For an investor who says, “I’ve read all the headlines, I’m scared, I don’t care what it costs, I want to get out today,” the tender offer could be a good opportunity, even with the discount, Covello said. “But there’s a cost to liquidity.”
Saba and Cox sent notice to purchase OBDC II shares on Feb. 17. They plan to make similar offers for Blue Owl Technology Income Corp. and Blue Owl Credit Income Corp., which are also BDCs.
Who’s Buying?
Weinstein is a seasoned activist investor who has waged aggressive proxy battles against Wall Street’s biggest names, including BlackRock Inc. and Nuveen. He launched Saba in 2009 and the hedge fund has focused on building stakes in closed-end funds and special purpose acquisition companies.
A Deutsche Bank AG alum, Weinstein has sometimes positioned himself as a defender of retail investors, taking on fund managers that he sees as more interested in collecting fees than maximizing returns for shareholders.
Cox Capital is an investor in dozens of private funds, from BDCs to real estate investment trusts. The Philadelphia-based firm, founded by John Cox in 2020, provides a source of “secondary liquidity” to investors in alternative assets, according to its website.
The credit secondaries market is a fast-growing area of finance, and has proven useful to private equity firms in need of cash, especially as dealmaking slowed down after the Covid-19 pandemic.
Billionaire hotel magnate Thomas J. Pritzker announced his immediate retirement as executive chairman of Hyatt Hotels Corporation on Monday, citing his “terrible judgment” in maintaining ties with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and his accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell. The 75-year-old heir to the Pritzker family fortune, long a fixture in elite circles and Democratic fundraising, expressed “deep regret” over communications that persisted well after Epstein’s 2008 guilty plea for soliciting prostitution from a minor.
Pritzker’s exit, effective immediately, underscores the growing reckoning for powerful figures entangled in Epstein’s web of perversion, a network that preyed on vulnerable young women while shielding predators behind wealth and influence.
The revelations stem from millions of pages of U.S. Justice Department documents unsealed last month, exposing Epstein’s insidious reach into business, politics, and high society. Emails and records show Pritzker exchanging “friendly” messages with Epstein years after the financier’s Florida conviction, including attempts to broker investments in Dubai involving DP World chairman Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem.
Pritzker, who will not seek reelection to Hyatt’s board at the 2026 stockholder meeting, lamented in a statement: “I exercised terrible judgment in maintaining contact with them, and there is no excuse for failing to distance myself sooner. I condemn the actions and the harm caused by Epstein and Maxwell and feel deep sorrow for the pain they inflicted on their victims.”
This isn’t mere oversight; it’s a damning indictment of the elite’s complicity in enabling perverts like Epstein, whose operations often intersected with political lobbying and philanthropy—networks that Pritzker, even a prominent supporter of Jewish causes, navigated effortlessly.
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Pritzker’s fall is part of a cascade of resignations rippling through Epstein’s tainted orbit. Goldman Sachs chief legal counsel Kathryn Ruemmler stepped down last week, citing distractions from her Epstein links. Norwegian police raided properties of former Prime Minister Thorbjørn Jagland amid a corruption probe tied to the sex offender. DP World’s bin Sulayem was ousted over his decade-long friendship with Epstein, including emails linking him to Jes Staley, then at JPMorgan Chase.
Economist Larry Summers resigned from OpenAI’s board in late 2025, while former UK ambassador to Washington Peter Mandelson faces a U.S. congressional grilling from Representatives Robert Garcia and Suhas Subramanyam over his “extensive social and business ties” to Epstein.
Mandelson’s scandal has ignited a firestorm in Britain, toppling UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s chief of staff and cabinet secretary, and prompting calls for Starmer’s own resignation. Appointed ambassador in February 2025 despite red flags, Mandelson was sacked in September after deeper Epstein connections surfaced. Opposition leaders decry Starmer’s “appalling judgment,” amplifying anti-establishment fury against elites who hobnobbed with perverts while preaching moral superiority.
Hyatt’s board swiftly named CEO Mark Hoplamazian as Pritzker’s successor, praising the outgoing chairman’s “instrumental” role in strategy. Yet, the market reacted coolly: Hyatt shares (H) dipped 1.8% to $142.50 in after-hours trading Monday, erasing $1.2 billion in market cap amid investor unease over reputational fallout.
Analysts at Barclays downgraded the stock to Neutral, citing “elevated risks from ongoing Epstein scrutiny,” while the broader hospitality sector—Marriott (MAR) and Hilton (HLT)—slid 0.9% in sympathy. Pritzker, pivoting to his science foundation, leaves a $50 billion family empire shadowed by questions of ethical blindness.
This wave of accountability exposes the rot at the heart of Epstein’s client list—predominantly wealthy, often Jewish elites. As more documents drop, the purge of these perverts and their enablers can’t come soon enough—justice demands no less for the exploited girls whose lives were shattered.
After a tactical pause during the holiday shopping frenzy, U.S. companies are unleashing a fresh wave of price increases in early 2026, with hikes often exceeding typical January adjustments amid persistent tariffs, soaring labor expenses, and supply chain pressures. From apparel giants like Levi Strauss & Co. to spice purveyors McCormick & Co., firms are passing on costs to consumers, signaling a potential end to the brief reprieve that lured bargain-hunters last fall. Economists warn these “stronger-than-normal” escalations—particularly in electronics, appliances, and durable goods—could fuel inflation concerns while testing shopper tolerance in a post-pandemic economy still grappling with wage stagnation for many.
The shift marks a reversal from late 2025, when retailers and manufacturers held steady on pricing or even discounted to capture holiday demand, fearing a consumer pullback amid economic uncertainty. Now, with the festive dust settled, companies are recalibrating. Harvard Business School professor Alberto Cavallo’s daily online price tracking through February 10 shows a 2.3% uptick in costs for the most affordable imported goods since November’s lows. The Adobe Digital Price Index echoed this, reporting January’s largest monthly online price surge in 12 years, propelled by electronics (up 4.1%), computers (3.8%), appliances (3.2%), and furniture (2.9%).
Levi Strauss exemplifies the trend. The denim icon implemented tariff-driven increases last month and is layering on more this February. Women’s ribcage straight ankle jeans now retail for $108, a $10 jump, while men’s original fit jeans climbed $5 to $84.50. “We’re strategically raising prices on newer, premium items while moderating hikes on entry-level products,” a Levi spokesperson said, noting efforts to offset duties on imported fabrics and components. The company’s shares (LEVI) dipped 1.2% to $22.45 in after-hours trading Wednesday, reflecting investor jitters over potential sales erosion, though year-to-date gains stand at 8% amid robust denim demand.
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McCormick & Co., the Maryland-based spice leader, is similarly surgical. After absorbing $70 million in tariff hits last year—with another $70 million projected for 2026—the firm bumped select prices in September and again this month, targeting commodities like black pepper and cinnamon amid packaging inflation. “Our actions are targeted to cover unavoidable costs without broad impacts,” CEO Brendan Foley told analysts in a January earnings call. McCormick’s stock (MKC) rose 0.8% to $78.12 Thursday, buoyed by a 5% revenue beat in Q4 2025, but analysts at JPMorgan warn of “margin compression” if spice demand softens.
Outdoor apparel maker Columbia Sportswear Co. is hiking spring and fall lines by high single digits on average, after largely sparing autumn/winter collections. CEO Tim Boyle, in a February earnings discussion, framed it as a tariff offset, combined with factory renegotiations and internal efficiencies. “Our goal is dollar-for-dollar mitigation,” he said. Columbia’s shares (COLM) fell 2.1% to $82.34 midweek, part of a broader apparel sector retreat as UBS economist Alan Detmeister flagged “elevated January hikes” in durables, up 3-5% versus the usual 1-2%.
Small businesses, with slimmer buffers, feel the pinch acutely. Cincinnati’s Structural Systems Repair Group (SSRG) is imposing 10-15% contract increases this year, driven by 10% steel tariff spikes and matching healthcare jumps for its 115 employees. “We can’t sustain that without customer concessions,” President Bryan Erickson told reporters. Brooklyn’s Sin housewares firm archived a $450 ceramic planter, deeming it unviable at higher prices, and applied across-the-board hikes due to 20% wage growth since 2022 alongside shipping and materials inflation. Grand Rapids’ Atomic Object upped consulting rates to $200/hour from $195, citing 14% health premium surges equaling 10% of revenue.
Pricing Indexes Chart
Prices of tariffed goods are going up for both
expensive and more affordable imports
The Vistage Worldwide survey of 600 small-business leaders in December revealed over half planning 4-10% hikes in the next quarter, with 10% eyeing double digits—far above norms. Larger firms like Stanley Black & Decker Inc., stung by sales drops after last year’s high-single-digit increases, are now mulling selective discounts, CFO Patrick Hallinan disclosed.
Market implications loom large. The S&P 500 Consumer Discretionary Index slipped 0.7% Thursday to 1,456.23, while the Producer Price Index for final demand rose 0.3% in January, per Labor Department data, hinting at pass-through inflation. Cavallo’s research suggests a “post-holiday reset,” with prices stabilizing by March if demand holds. Yet, risks abound: Higher costs could crimp sales volumes, especially for budget items, as seen in Stanley’s U.S. retreat. Broader economic headwinds—tariff uncertainties under the Trump administration and wage pressures amid 3.8% unemployment—amplify the squeeze.
As companies balance cost absorption with profit preservation, consumers may vote with their wallets. “This isn’t just tariffs; it’s a confluence of labor, health, and global supply strains,” Detmeister noted. Whether these hikes stick or spark backlash will shape 2026’s retail landscape.
he US has relaxed its sanctions on Venezuela’s energy sector by granting two general licences and allowing several global energy companies to resume operations and negotiate new contracts in the South American country. This decision follows the capture and removal of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro by US forces in early January 2026, reported Reuters.
The US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) issued general licences to companies such as Chevron, bp, Eni, Shell and Repsol, enabling them to operate oil and gas projects in Venezuela. These companies are major partners of Venezuela’s state-run company PDVSA and maintain offices and stakes in Venezuelan projects.
The licences require payments for royalties and taxes to be routed through a US-controlled fund.
A separate licence allows international companies to engage with PDVSA for new investments.
However, these agreements necessitate additional permits from the OFAC and exclude transactions with entities in Russia, Iran or China.
A spokesperson of Chevron was quoted by the news agency as saying: “The new General Licenses, coupled with recent changes in Venezuela’s Hydrocarbons Law, are important steps towards enabling the further development of Venezuela’s resources for its people and for advancing regional energy security.”
Additionally, in a separate development, as reported by Reuters, India’s Reliance Industries has secured a general licence from the US, allowing it to purchase Venezuelan oil directly without breaching sanctions.
(Photograph: Reuters)
This move is expected to expedite Venezuela’s oil exports while helping Reliance replace Russian crude with discounted Venezuelan oil.
The issuance comes amid reports that India is shifting away from Russian oil purchases following President Donald Trump’s removal of a 25% tariff on Indian imports.
Earlier this year, Reliance acquired two million barrels of Venezuelan oil from trader Vitol, which also received US licences alongside Trafigura.
The relaxation of sanctions is part of a broader strategy to support economic recovery in Venezuela and foster responsible investment.
The US aims to revitalise Venezuela’s oil industry through a $100bn reconstruction plan and strengthen ties between Caracas and Washington.
The proceeds from Venezuelan oil sales are directed through a fund in Qatar before reaching the interim Venezuelan Government.
ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips are currently evaluating potential re-entry into Venezuela after having their assets expropriated in 2007 under then-President Hugo Chavez.
While ExxonMobil considers Venezuela “uninvestable” at present, talks with the government continue while data is being gathered on the sector.
Last month, Venezuela reached an agreement with the US to export up to $2.8bn (1.1tn bolivars) worth of oil, according to President Trump.
The Pentagon has concluded that Alibaba and BYD should be added to a list of companies with alleged connections to the Chinese military, two months before Donald Trump is expected to meet Xi Jinping in Beijing.
The defence department posted an updated “Chinese Military Companies” list to the Federal Register on Friday morning. However, in a move that has led to confusion, the PDF was abruptly removed from the site following a request from the Pentagon, which did not provide any explanation. A defence official said the Pentagon would release the new list next week.
The decision to include Alibaba on what is formally known as the 1260H list comes three months after The Financial Times reported that US intelligence agencies believed the ecommerce giant posed a threat to national security.
The Pentagon will also add BYD, the world’s biggest electric-car maker, and Baidu, the search engine, to the 1260H list, which is mandated by Congress. While US-China trade tensions have eased since Trump and Xi met in South Korea in October, the addition of the marquee Chinese groups to the list will trigger fresh tension ahead of their summit in April.
In another point of friction, The Financial Times reported last week that the Trump administration is compiling a package of arms sales for Taiwan which could total $20bn after announcing a record $11.1bn package in November. Craig Singleton, an expert on US-China relations at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think-tank, said the addition of the Chinese companies to the list was “mutually assured disruption in practice”.
“Even as tariff threats have cooled, tech, capital and security frictions keep heating up,” he said. “Releasing the list weeks before a leader-level summit shows deliberate compartmentalisation: stabilising trade talks while sustaining pressure in national security lanes.” Henrietta Levin, a US-China expert at the CSIS think-tank, said Beijing would be upset but the move was unlikely to derail the Trump-Xi summit.
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“Chinese officials may lament how the administration is not doing enough to foster a ‘positive atmosphere’ ahead of the anticipated summit between Trump and Xi this spring,” Levin said. “But ultimately, Beijing is confident the results of this summit will favour Chinese interests, and they will not want to miss the opportunity to extract concessions from Trump.”
When the Pentagon makes a “Chinese Military Companies” designation, it signals that the US believes the groups have direct ties to the People’s Liberation Army or are involved in China’s military-civil fusion programme, which requires them to share technology with the Chinese military.
Inclusion on the Pentagon list does not have legal implications for most of the companies. But it creates reputational risk for them, particularly because it signals that the US may take punitive action in the future.
However, the Pentagon also put Chinese biotechnology company WuXi AppTec on the list, which will affect its operations in the US. Under the Biosecure Act, which was passed in December, the federal government is restricted from doing business with “biotechnology companies of concern”, which includes any entity on the 1260H list. But the act gives the government a five-year window to complete existing contracts and wind down arrangements with designated companies. The Pentagon does not publicly disclose many details about why a company has been added to the list.
But the China committee in the House of Representatives last year called for WuXi to be added, saying its management committee included members of the PLA’s Academy of Military Medical Sciences and PLA-run hospitals. WuXi AppTec contested its inclusion on the list. “We are not owned, controlled, or affiliated with any Chinese government agency or military institution. None of our board members or senior executive team has Chinese military or political party affiliation either,” the company said.
The Pentagon also added RoboSense, which makes AI-powered robotic technology, saying the Shenzhen-based group is a military-civil fusion contributor to the Chinese defence industrial base. It also included BOE Technology, a maker of display panels for computers and smartphones. John Moolenaar, the chair of the House China committee, in 2024 urged the Pentagon to add BOE to the list.
The defence department also removed two memory chipmakers — CXMT and YMTC — in an unexpected move. Michael Sobolik, a US-China expert at the Hudson Institute, said that given China’s commitment to military-civil fusion, it was unclear what would have changed to justify their removal.
“The reputational windfall for these companies could increase their chances of selling memory chips to American customers,” he said. “The administration is trying to break the nation’s reliance on China for critical minerals. Why would we risk opening up more dependencies?”
Alibaba is one of the highest-profile changes to the list. The NY Budgets reported in November that US intelligence believed it was providing technical support for Chinese military “operations” against targets in America.
According to a White House security memo, Alibaba also allegedly provides the Chinese government and PLA with access to customer data. Alibaba strongly rejected the allegations in the memo.
On Friday, Alibaba said there was “no basis” to conclude that it should be added to the list. “Alibaba is not a Chinese military company nor part of any military-civil fusion strategy. We will take all available legal action against attempts to misrepresent our company.”
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Baidu said the Pentagon claim was “entirely baseless and no evidence has been produced that would prove otherwise”. It said it would “not hesitate to use all options available” to be removed from the list. BYD said any proposal to put it on the list was “completely unfounded”.
“BYD is not a Chinese military company, nor has it participated in any military-civil fusion strategy.”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment about why the Pentagon list was abruptly removed from the Federal Register.
Bitcoin just suffered its largest weekly decline in more than three years. But the worst part for some of crypto’s permabulls is that they aren’t sure what exactly caused the crash.
The selloff left many of the market’s luminaries—those so well-known that they go simply as “Pomp” and “Novo” and “Mooch”—searching for answers.
“Bitcoin is crashing and investors are freaking out,” Anthony Pompliano, a crypto evangelist and investor, wrote Friday.
Bitcoin fell 16% to $70,008 this past week, down a sharp 45% from its all-time high of $126,273 in October. Ether dropped 24% to $2,052, off 59% from its own high of last year. Both tokens staged furious rallies Friday, but the week remained a historically bad one for crypto. And few seem to know what went wrong.
Market theories for the selloff ranged from investors’ pivot toward the prediction markets and other risky bets, to widespread profit-taking after a blistering bull run.
Price performance, past two years
Price performance, past two years
Trump’s surprise announcement of
100% tariffs against China
Source: The NY Budgets Crypto Index
“There was no smoking gun,” said Michael Novogratz, who runs Galaxy Digital, a crypto merchant-banking and trading firm.
For much of last year, crypto was in ascendance. President Trump’s return to the White House ushered in a new era for digital assets, which continued to gain acceptance among individual investors and legitimacy on Wall Street. As bitcoin and other popular tokens touched record highs, it seemed as though the market’s best days always lay ahead.
“I really didn’t think that we’d see a six at the beginning of the bitcoin price ever again,” said Cory Klippsten, chief executive officer of the bitcoin financial services firm Swan Bitcoin.
And yet, for a 24-hour stretch that ended Friday afternoon, bitcoin was back at that level. Past crypto selloffs had clearer explanations, which made this one more mystifying.
In 2018, bitcoin fell 80% from its peak after the initial coin offering bubble burst, ending an era in which thousands of unproven startups raised billions of dollars with little more than a sales pitch. In 2022, the $40 billion collapse of TerraUSD and Luna coins triggered a cascade of company failures across the crypto sector that culminated in the implosion of Sam Bankman-Fried’s FTX exchange.
Alan Chapman/Dave Benett/Getty Images
This time, there is no clear consensus. “If you ask five experts, you’ll get five explanations,” said Anthony Scaramucci, who served for 11 days as communications director during Trump’s first term and is among the best-known crypto bulls at his firm, SkyBridge Capital.
Here are some of the most popular explanations:
New shiny objects
There is no shortage of other markets for traders to make audacious bets, said Pompliano, the CEO of ProCap Financial. Prediction markets, gold, silver, artificial intelligence and so-called meme stocks are all vying for their attention of late, drawing eyes away from crypto.
“It used to be that bitcoin was the consensus view where asymmetry existed,” Pompliano said. “Now you have AI, prediction markets…many other areas where people can go and they can speculate.”
More supply?
Wall Street has sought to capitalize on crypto’s popularity by launching a growing array of exchange-traded funds and derivatives linked to bitcoin and other popular tokens. Their proliferation might not affect the sheer number of bitcoins, ethers and other tokens, but some investors thought their arrival has dented bitcoin’s appeal as a scarce asset.
Bitcoin’s main appeal has always been its limited supply of 21 million coins. By launching ETFs and complex derivatives, Wall Street has enabled investors to bet on the price of bitcoin without needing to buy or hold the actual coins, some analysts said.
New sheriff
Other investors suspected that Kevin Warsh, Trump’s pick to be the next chair of the Federal Reserve, might be bringing down crypto prices.
Warsh, they said, is seen as more hawkish on interest rates as a tool to tame inflation, and more supportive of a stronger U.S. dollar. Higher rates and a stronger dollar are conditions that typically hurt some alternative assets, such as gold and crypto, making them less attractive to investors. And this past week, the WSJ Dollar Index edged up 0.4%.
Still, Warsh and the Fed are expected to cut rates this year, not raise them. And Warsh has warmed to bitcoin. He famously dubbed the digital currency a “policeman for policy,” saying in a TV interview that bitcoin’s price can inform policymakers when they are doing things right and wrong.
Clouded clarity
After Trump signed into law the Genius Act last year, paving the path for stablecoins—digital assets pegged to fiat currencies like the dollar—the industry turned its attention to the next important piece of legislation: the Clarity Act. This bill would create a clear regulatory framework for the burgeoning industry.
Congress appeared on the cusp of moving the bill ahead when a dispute between crypto exchanges and traditional banks stalled that momentum. Without this measure, many financial firms are hesitant to integrate digital assets into their offerings. And unless a compromise is reached, the dust-up might deny the crypto market a catalyst that could have extended the rally.
Profit-taking
Novogratz and some other investors thought much of the selloff was driven by investors eager to lock in gains they collected when bitcoin, ether and other digital tokens rallied in the midst of the “euphoria” of Trump’s election in 2024 and pledge to make the U.S. the world’s crypto capital.
And those gains were indeed spectacular. Bitcoin, for one, rocketed around 80% from Election Day until early October of last year.
Sharp selloffs are hardly unusual in crypto, of course. They are so regular, in fact, that investors give them a name—crypto winter—that befits the belief that these downturns are as predictable as the seasons.
Some analysts believe this crypto winter could thaw faster than those of the past. No key companies have collapsed or faced allegations, revelations that have elicited crises of confidence in past crashes.
For believers, Friday’s rally served as reassurance that cryptocurrencies have always bounced back, part of why they stick with these investments.
“The infrastructure is stronger, stablecoin adoption continues to grow and institutional interest hasn’t evaporated, it’s just sidelined,” said Jasper De Maere, a strategist at the crypto trading firm Wintermute. Interest in these investments “can return quickly,” he said.
Many of crypto’s true believers are willing to wait.
On a Thursday afternoon conference call, Strategy founder Michael Saylor sought to reassure investors that bitcoin was coming back.
Republicans are way ahead of Democrats regarding their opinion of crypto and bitcoin, said MicroStrategy’s Michael Saylor. (Danny Nelson/CoinDesk)
Moments earlier, his company, which stockpiles bitcoin, had reported a $12 billion quarterly loss related to the token’s late-2025 swoon. Saylor told his investors the only way to handle the downturn is to hold on—and tune out the market’s volatility.
“Your time horizon needs to be, minimal, four years,” Saylor said.
LONDON — Britain’s economy is staring down a familiar foe: creeping inflation that threatens to erode living standards and stall recovery. Yet amid the headlines of a 3.4% CPI rise in December 2025—the first uptick in five months—and a slowdown in wage growth to 4.5% annually (regular earnings excluding bonuses) in the three months to November, per the Office for National Statistics (ONS)—a more optimistic path emerges. The UK possesses the structural levers to break free from this inflationary trap without resorting to punitive interest rate hikes or endless fiscal giveaways. The key? A renewed focus on domestic production, export revival, and supply-side reforms that rebuild economic resilience from the ground up.
Chancellor Rachel Reeves, fresh from her Autumn Budget’s £13 billion in targeted relief over three years—including £5.4 billion this year for pocketbook boosts—faces a tough early 2026. Inflation climbed from November’s 3.2% to 3.4% in December, driven by airfares, tobacco duties, and persistent services pressures (4.5% annual rise), according to ONS data released January 21. Economists had penciled in 3.3%, making this a mild surprise that likely keeps the Bank of England on hold at 3.75% for its February meeting, per Reuters polling and City pricing.
Wage momentum has cooled too: Regular pay growth eased to 4.5% from 4.6%, with private-sector earnings dropping sharply to 3.6%—the lowest since November 2020, ONS figures show. Public-sector pay remains elevated at 7.9% due to timing effects from prior awards, but overall trends signal easing labor-market heat. Unemployment held at 5.1%—highest since January 2021—while payrolled employees fell 155,000 year-on-year to November, with provisional December estimates showing another 184,000 drop.
This isn’t the 1970s wage-price spiral redux. Real wages have grown just 9% over the past decade, a far cry from the unchecked rises that fueled stagflation then. Today’s pressures stem from structural imbalances: a chronic trade deficit widened post-2008 financial crisis, when financial services exports—once a sterling stabilizer—plummeted 25% and stagnated. The City lost its allure as a global capital magnet, siphoning fewer foreign inflows and weakening the pound by over 20% against major currencies since the crash peaks.
A depreciated sterling inflates import costs for essentials—food up 0.8% monthly in December, nearly doubled since 2008; clothing and footwear reversing long-term deflation to rise 20% in five years. This feeds services inflation, the economy’s dominant driver. Yet the ONS and Bank of England data point to transience: Headline inflation is forecast to drop sharply in January (potentially 0.5 percentage points, per Resolution Foundation), with the BoE eyeing a return near 2% by mid-2026. Deutsche Bank’s Sanjay Raja predicts the UK’s biggest G7 inflation fall this year, with Q4 forecasts averaging 2.2% (Treasury economists) to 2.1% (OBR November outlook).
Escaping the Whirlpool: Production Over Handouts
Reeves’ £150 energy bill cuts, rail fare freeze, and prescription charge hold are welcome short-term palliatives, but lasting relief demands supply-side boldness. Britain’s post-crisis malaise—widening trade gaps, sterling weakness, import dependence—mirrors vulnerabilities that subsidies alone can’t fix. The answer lies in revitalizing domestic manufacturing and agriculture to reduce reliance on overseas goods, create high-value jobs, and strengthen the currency organically.
Since the 1980s, the UK has shed a million hectares of farmland, per historical data, exacerbating food import exposure. Yet glimmers of reversal exist: Textile production shows tentative growth after decades of decline, with Q3 2025 sales rebounding 4.3% for small-to-mid fashion manufacturers to £500,517 average revenue, per Unleashed reports. Broader manufacturing output grew modestly in late 2025, though confidence dipped amid fragile demand (Make UK/BDO Q4 survey forecasts 0.5% growth in 2025 before a 0.5% contraction in 2026).
Policymakers should accelerate this shift: Targeted incentives for onshore production in essentials—cars, clothing, food—could rebuild supply chains. Challenge the defeatist myth that Britain can’t compete; scale and innovation can offset labor costs if energy prices fall and taxes ease. High electricity bills (among world’s highest) and employment taxes deter investment—abandoning rigid net-zero timelines for pragmatic energy policy could unlock competitiveness without subsidies’ fiscal drag.
Public discourse underscores this: Commentators lament foreign ownership of utilities and manufacturing siphoning dividends abroad, urging British-owned firms to retain profits domestically. Others decry subsidies as non-solutions, advocating deregulation, lower energy costs, and tax relief instead. Freeing food imports could collapse prices short-term, but long-term security demands balanced domestic capacity.
New export powerhouses—beyond stagnant finance—could replace lost sterling inflows. Green tech, advanced manufacturing, and services innovation offer paths if regulations don’t stifle them.
Market Implications and Political Calculus
Sterling held steady post-inflation data at around $1.32 and €1.146 (Wise mid-market January 22), reflecting expectations of temporary blips. BoE futures price one to two cuts in 2026, likely from April if January data confirms cooling. Gilt yields and FTSE sectors sensitive to rates (banks, utilities) show muted reaction, betting on gradual easing.
Politically, 2026 is Reeves’ proving ground: Deliver cost-of-living relief via growth, not handouts, or face voter backlash. As she once advocated “make, sell and buy more in Britain,” returning to that vision—boosting production, jobs, investment—offers sustainable escape from inflation’s grip. Handouts fade; productive capacity endures.
Britain isn’t doomed to perpetual import dependence or sterling weakness. With supply-side courage—lower barriers, energy realism, domestic focus—the UK can rebuild strength, tame prices, and deliver genuine prosperity. The tools are there; the will must follow.
Japan and the United States convened their second high-level consultation committee meeting on Tuesday, signaling renewed momentum in deploying a landmark $550 billion Japanese investment pledge that anchors the allies’ hard-won trade agreement. The two-hour virtual session, co-chaired by Japanese Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Ryosei Akazawa, U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, and U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright, focused on expediting project selections, with officials pledging to announce the inaugural initiative “as soon as possible,” according to a statement from Japan’s Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI).
The gathering builds on the panel’s inaugural online meeting last week, where representatives from Japan’s foreign, trade, and finance ministries joined U.S. counterparts from the Commerce and Energy Departments to exchange views on potential investments. Energy projects emerged as early frontrunners, with sources familiar with the discussions indicating a handful under review for priority funding. Recommendations from the consultation committee will feed into an investment panel chaired by Lutnick, culminating in final approvals by President Donald Trump—a structure that underscores Washington’s directive role in allocating the funds.
This accelerated pace reflects mounting pressure to operationalize the pledge, formalized in a September memorandum of understanding (MOU) following July’s framework accord. The $550 billion commitment—upped from an initial $400 billion discussion at Trump’s insistence—secured Japan’s relief from steep U.S. tariffs, capping duties at 15% on automobiles and most goods after an earlier spike to 25%. Non-compliance risks penalty clauses, including tariff hikes, potentially unraveling the deal and exposing Tokyo to renewed trade friction.
Target sectors span strategic priorities: semiconductors, pharmaceuticals, critical minerals, metals, shipbuilding, energy, artificial intelligence, and quantum computing. Financing will flow through project-by-project commitments, leveraging institutions like the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) and Nippon Export and Investment Insurance (NEXI) for equity, loans, and guarantees. Investments must materialize by January 19, 2029—the end of Trump’s term—aligning with his administration’s push to revitalize U.S. industrial capacity and bolster supply chains amid global competition, particularly from China.
Market reactions have been muted but positive. The Nikkei 225 edged up 0.4% on Wednesday, buoyed by clarity on tariff stability, while U.S. futures showed modest gains in chip and energy stocks. Analysts at Nomura Securities project the fund could inject $100-150 billion annually into U.S. infrastructure, creating hundreds of thousands of jobs in swing states—a political windfall for Trump. However, skeptics note execution hurdles: Japan’s characterization of the pledge as facilitated private-sector flows contrasts with U.S. portrayals of direct government-directed capital, potentially complicating disbursements.
The process traces to Trump’s October visit to Tokyo, where an initial project shortlist was floated. Early contenders include LNG terminals, rare earth processing facilities, and semiconductor fabs—areas ripe for de-risking U.S. dependencies. “This isn’t charity; it’s mutual security,” Lutnick remarked in a recent CNBC interview, emphasizing profit-sharing tilted heavily toward America post-recoupment (90-10 split).
For Japan, already the largest foreign investor in the U.S. with over $800 billion in holdings, the pledge reinforces alliance ties while mitigating tariff pain on exporters like Toyota and Sony. Yet, domestic critics decry it as concessional, with opposition lawmakers questioning the fiscal burden amid Japan’s aging demographics and debt load.
As the committee eyes a third session next week and potential Trump sign-offs in early 2026, the initiative tests the Trump administration’s dealmaking prowess. Success could blueprint similar pacts with other trading partners; delays risk reigniting trans-Pacific tensions in an era of reshoring and economic nationalism.
A radical plan to halt “virgin steelmaking” in the UK is being considered in a move that threatens the loss of 2,000 jobs at British Steel’s works in Scunthorpe.
Government officials are weighing a proposal to switch off Britain’s last two remaining blast furnaces despite launching emergency legislation this year preventing the works’ Chinese owners from doing the same.
The proposal is understood to envisage merging British Steel with part of Speciality Steel UK (SSUK), a division of Sanjeev Gupta’s metals empire that crashed into a government-led insolvency in August.
It is one of several options being considered, Whitehall sources said.
But the merger option is said to be favoured by Jon Bolton, co-chairman of the government’s Steel Council, which was launched by the government in January. Under this approach, SSUK’s electric arc furnace in Rotherham, which will require significant investment to get back up and running, would be used to feed the downstream operations of British Steel, according to senior industry sources.
This would allow the two blast furnaces at Scunthorpe to be switched off, reducing losses that are said to be costing taxpayers more than £1 million a day. But it would leave the UK as the only country in the G7 without virgin steelmaking capabilities.
Industry figures are split on whether Rotherham could produce the correct types, grades and gauges of semi-finished steel — and in sufficient quantities — for British Steel’s downstream operations. The company employs about 4,000 people in the UK, of which 2,700 work in Scunthorpe.
In April, MPs were called for a Saturday sitting of parliament for only the sixth time since the Second World War to fast-track emergency legislation giving the government the ability to direct the company’s workforce and managers and order raw materials for the furnaces.
British Steel has been in the hands of Chinese firm Jingye since March 2020. The legislation meant that although Jingye remained the owner of the steelworks, the UK state was in control of day-to-day operations.
The government intervention followed claims by ministers that the Chinese company was trying to unilaterally close the blast furnaces by refusing to buy enough raw materials. Blast furnaces require a steady supply of iron ore and coking coal to continue running. Although production can be halted temporarily, any longer than a few days can render the equipment redundant.
In the summer, Jingye submitted a compensation bill of more than £1 billion to the UK government in return for handing over its shareholding in the business. Ministers are understood to have sought to reduce the compensation costs by offering to wave through China’s controversial new “mega embassy” in London.
A spokesman for the government said: “We will ensure a bright and sustainable future for steelmaking and steel jobs in the UK and are continuing discussions with Jingye over the long-term future of the site.”
SSUK employs nearly 1,500 people in Rotherham and its other works in Sheffield and is part of the wider Liberty Steel Group, which in turn is part of Gupta’s GFG Alliance, an employer of 16,500 people globally across more than 200 locations.
SSUK was placed under the control of the government’s official receiver in August after the High Court granted a winding-up order pursued by creditors owed hundreds of millions of pounds.
The official receiver, supported by special managers from consultancy Teneo, wants to sell SSUK whole rather than in piecemeal fashion.
Bids have been submitted for the business, though the electric arc furnace in Rotherham is said to be less attractive because it will need millions of pounds of investment to bring it up to working order. The merger plans would be scuppered if a suitable buyer for the Rotherham site can be found.
Using the Rotherham works to feed British Steel’s downstream activities would not be without its difficulties. However, it does have a precedent: the two operations were previously part of Tata Steel’s long products division. The Scunthorpe operation was sold to turnaround fund Greybull Capital in 2016 and the Rotherham works to Gupta the following year.
Separately, an £8 billion green energy plant in the North East will go ahead with an order for steel from China instead of the UK, snuffing out hopes of a U-turn.
Alasdair McDiarmid, assistant general secretary at the steelworkers’ union Community, said: “Reports that the government is considering ending steelmaking at Scunthorpe, just months after making their historic intervention at the site, are extremely concerning and scarcely believable.
“The loss of the UK’s last-remaining primary steelmaking facility — a vital strategic asset for the country — would represent a devastating blow to national security and sovereignty. Community and the wider trade-union movement will not accept the closure of the blast furnaces outside of a long-term investment strategy that secures the future for Scunthorpe steelmaking.”
This newspaper revealed in November that Net Zero Teesside, a joint venture between BP and the Norwegian energy company Equinor, was on the cusp of awarding a major steel contract to a Chinese firm called Modern. Net Zero Teesside will build the world’s first gas-fired power station with carbon capture and storage.
Backed with taxpayer cash, the joint venture had promised that at least 50 per cent of the engineering, procurement and construction contrasts would be sourced from the UK.
Lord Houchen, the local Conservative mayor, called for “an immediate rethink”. This prompted BP to intervene, raising hopes that British Steel — an under-bidder — would prevail.
Sources said, however, that the joint venture had decided to stick with China, ordering 7,000 tonnes that will be made and then fabricated overseas. The contract is understood to be worth £20 million.
A government source said ministers are “keen to see UK steel sourced for UK projects”.
Nvidia NVDA +4.25% ▲ reported record sales and strong guidance Wednesday, helping soothe jitters about an artificial intelligence bubble that have reverberated in markets for the last week.
Sales in the October quarter hit a record $57 billion as demand for the company’s advanced AI data center chips continued to surge, up 62% from the year-earlier quarter and exceeding consensus estimates from analysts polled by FactSet. The company increased its guidance for the current quarter, estimating that sales will reach $65 billion—analysts had predicted revenue of $62.1 billion for the quarter.
Shares in the world’s most-valuable publicly listed company rose almost 5% in premarket trading Thursday.
“We’ve entered the virtuous cycle of AI,” said Nvidia Chief Executive Jensen Huang. “AI is going everywhere, doing everything, all at once.”
Wednesday’s result will allow investors to breathe a sigh of relief. Each Nvidia quarterly earnings report has come to be seen as a financial Super Bowl of sorts as the AI boom has taken off. The company is regarded as a bellwether for both the health of the tech industry and the market as a whole.
This quarter, however, the stakes seemed higher. Rarely has an earnings report from a single company been greeted with such nervous anticipation.
In recent weeks, investors have sold off big tech names, worried that companies are spending far too much money on data centers, chips, and other infrastructure in the race to design and operate the world’s most powerful AI models, with little hope of recouping their investments in the near term.
Adding to the pressure is a flurry of recent AI deals structured using what critics have dubbed “circular” funding mechanisms—broadly referring to suppliers like Nvidia making large capital investments in the businesses of the customers who buy their products. Just a few months ago, investors viewed such deals with enthusiasm, pumping up shares for a variety of AI-related companies, but this week one such deal—between Nvidia, Microsoft and Anthropic—was greeted warily.
This week, 45% of global fund managers surveyed by Bank of America said that an AI stock-market bubble was one of the biggest risks facing the market.
A number of bearish moves by high-profile investors have also rattled tech markets. Last week, Masayoshi Son’s SoftBank Group sold its entire $5.8 billion stake in Nvidia to divert that money to other AI investments, while a hedge fund run by influential billionaire venture capitalist Peter Thiel unloaded its entire $100 million Nvidia stake in the third quarter.
Earlier this month, Michael Burry—who famously predicted the popping of the subprime mortgage securities bubble and was profiled in the Michael Lewis book “The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine”—revealed in a securities filing that he was betting against the stocks of both Nvidia and AI-heavy defense analytics firm Palantir.
“The last few weeks, there have been some escalating cracks in the AI landscape,” said Matt Stucky, chief portfolio manager for equities at Northwestern Mutual Wealth Management Company, an Nvidia shareholder. “Nvidia is the beneficiary of a lot of AI spending, and market forces are pushing back harder and harder on that spending.”
Quarterly net income was $31.9 billion, 65% higher than a year earlier. Sales of Nvidia’s Blackwell line of graphics processing units—its most powerful chips yet—were “off the charts,” Huang said. Revenue from Nvidia’s data center segment set a record at $51.2 billion, beating analysts’ expectations of $49 billion.
The potential for revenue increases may be limited going forward after the Trump administration announced earlier this month that it is not considering allowing a version of the Blackwell chip to be sold in China, a fast-growing AI market that represents tens of billions of dollars in potential sales.
Half of the company’s long-term opportunity will come from customers’ transition to accelerated computing and generative AI, Colette Kress, Nvidia’s chief financial officer, said on a call with investors. While sizable purchase orders for Nvidia’s Hopper Platform never materialized in the quarter due to geopolitical issues with China, the company remains committed to engaging with governments, she added.
In separate news, the Commerce Department approved the sale of up to 70,000 advanced artificial-intelligence chips to two companies based in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, a big win for the Middle Eastern nations as they seek to catch up in the AI race. The approvals are a reversal from earlier this year, when some administration officials rejected the idea of exporting directly to the state-backed companies over security concerns.
Terms of the deal will allow U.S. firms to sell up to 35,000 of Nvidia’s GB300 servers or their equivalents to both G42, a state-run AI firm based in Abu Dhabi, and Humain, a Saudi government-backed AI venture, government officials said. Nvidia competitor Advanced Micro Devices also has an agreement worth billions of dollars to work with Humain.
Nvidia’s stock price more than doubled between early April and late October, rising from the low $90s to more than $200 per share, but has lost ground in the last few weeks as bubble worries have grown. So far this year, it’s up about 30%.
Nvidia Corp. NVDA +5.50% ▲ etched its name deeper into history books Wednesday, becoming the first publicly traded company to eclipse a $5 trillion market capitalization—a staggering milestone that underscores the artificial intelligence revolution’s grip on global markets, even as whispers of an impending bubble grow louder. The Silicon Valley chipmaker’s shares surged as much as 5.5% during the session, closing at $207.04 with 24.3 billion shares outstanding, catapulting its valuation to $5.03 trillion. Just three months after breaching $4 trillion and a mere two years after cracking $1 trillion, Nvidia’s ascent—up 50% year-to-date and over 1,500% in the past five years—has outpaced the Nasdaq’s 23% gain this year and the S&P 500’s 17%, cementing its status as the world’s most valuable firm ahead of Microsoft MSFT +2.10% ▲ ($4 trillion) and Apple AAPL +1.80% ▲ ($3.9 trillion).
The rally, which added nearly $140 billion to Nvidia’s coffers in a single day, was supercharged by CEO Jensen Huang’s announcements at the company’s annual AI conference in Washington, D.C., on Tuesday. Huang revealed a pipeline of $500 billion in AI chip orders through next year, alongside a flurry of high-profile deals: a partnership with Uber Technologies Inc. to advance robotaxi development, a $1 billion investment in Nokia Oyj for next-generation 6G networks, and collaboration with the U.S. Department of Energy to construct seven new AI supercomputers. Last month, Nvidia committed $100 billion to OpenAI, aiming to deploy at least 10 gigawatts of AI data centers to supercharge the ChatGPT maker’s computing prowess. “These aren’t hypotheticals—these companies are generating real revenues, and the products are profitable,” Huang told NBC News, brushing off bubble concerns. “Generative AI has evolved from interesting to indispensable.”
Nvidia’s dominance in graphics processing units (GPUs)—repurposed from gaming rigs to the lifeblood of AI training for models like ChatGPT and image generators—has made it indispensable to Big Tech’s AI arms race. Its largest customers, including OpenAI, Tesla Inc., xAI, Meta Platforms Inc., Amazon.com Inc., and Oracle Corp., have funneled billions into Nvidia’s H100 and upcoming Blackwell chips, driving demand that outstrips supply. The semiconductor giant’s market cap now dwarfs the combined valuations of rivals like Advanced Micro Devices Inc., Intel Corp., Broadcom Inc., Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co., Micron Technology Inc., ASML Holding NV, Lam Research Corp., Qualcomm Inc., and Arm Holdings Plc—collectively worth less than half of Nvidia’s heft.
To put $5 trillion in perspective: It’s equivalent to roughly 25 Walt Disney Cos., 50 Nikes, 96 Ford Motor Cos., 945 Macys, or over 3,311 JetBlue Airways Corps. Nvidia alone towers over the entire S&P 500 energy sector (three times its size) and eclipses major international benchmarks like Germany’s DAX and France’s CAC indices (more than double each). More strikingly, its valuation surpasses the gross domestic product of every nation on Earth except the United States ($29.1 trillion) and China ($18 trillion), per World Bank and IMF data—including India, Japan, the U.K., and Germany ($4.6 trillion last year). A $1,000 investment in Nvidia a decade ago, when shares bottomed at $0.47 in February 2015, would now be worth $441,000—a 44,000% return that has minted fortunes, including Huang’s estimated $174.4 billion net worth, ranking him eighth on Forbes’ billionaire list.
The AI boom, often likened to the iPhone’s 2007 debut for its transformative potential, has propelled Nvidia from a $10 billion niche player in 2015 to this colossus. Yet, the speed of its rise—stock up 3.4% to an intraday high of $207.85 Wednesday—has reignited debates over sustainability. Officials at the Bank of England flagged AI’s “growing risk” of a tech stock burst earlier this month, while IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva echoed warnings of parallels to the late-1990s dot-com bubble. Nvidia’s shares, trading at a forward price-to-earnings multiple of 45, reflect sky-high expectations for sustained GPU demand amid an AI infrastructure spend projected to hit $1 trillion annually by 2030, per McKinsey & Co.
Geopolitical crosswinds add intrigue. Huang jetted to South Korea this week for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, where free-trade ideals clash with escalating U.S. tariffs on tech and beyond. A pivotal sideline Thursday: a face-to-face between President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, where Trump pledged to discuss Nvidia’s chips. In August, the administration struck a deal with Nvidia and AMD to ease export curbs on advanced chips to China in exchange for a 15% revenue cut to Washington—despite national security qualms over potential military diversions. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick quipped on CNBC in July that selling America’s “fourth best” AI tech to Beijing was “cool,” but not the top tiers. Nvidia’s August overtures for a China-specific chip, plus a $5 billion infusion into Intel (where the U.S. government now holds a 10% stake worth $11 billion), highlight efforts to balance export growth with domestic bolstering under the CHIPS Act.
For investors, Nvidia’s milestone is a double-edged sword. The Magnificent Seven tech stocks, led by Nvidia, have shouldered 60% of the S&P 500’s gains this year, but rotation risks loom if AI hype cools. “Nvidia isn’t just a company—it’s the AI proxy,” said Dan Ives, Wedbush Securities analyst. “But at $5 trillion, any earnings miss could trigger a reality check.” With Blackwell production ramping and partnerships like the Nokia tie-up eyeing 6G’s trillion-dollar frontier, Nvidia’s trajectory suggests more records ahead. Yet, as Huang attends APEC amid Trump-Xi tensions, the chip king’s fate remains intertwined with the very global supply chains it seeks to redefine.
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