Tag: Alibaba Group Holding Ltd

Pentagon Flags Alibaba and BYD Over Alleged Chinese Military Links
The Pentagon has concluded that Alibaba and BYD should be added to a list of companies with alleged connections to the Chinese military, two months before Donald Trump is expected to meet Xi Jinping in Beijing.
The defence department posted an updated “Chinese Military Companies” list to the Federal Register on Friday morning. However, in a move that has led to confusion, the PDF was abruptly removed from the site following a request from the Pentagon, which did not provide any explanation. A defence official said the Pentagon would release the new list next week.
The decision to include Alibaba on what is formally known as the 1260H list comes three months after The Financial Times reported that US intelligence agencies believed the ecommerce giant posed a threat to national security.
The Pentagon will also add BYD, the world’s biggest electric-car maker, and Baidu, the search engine, to the 1260H list, which is mandated by Congress. While US-China trade tensions have eased since Trump and Xi met in South Korea in October, the addition of the marquee Chinese groups to the list will trigger fresh tension ahead of their summit in April.
In another point of friction, The Financial Times reported last week that the Trump administration is compiling a package of arms sales for Taiwan which could total $20bn after announcing a record $11.1bn package in November. Craig Singleton, an expert on US-China relations at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think-tank, said the addition of the Chinese companies to the list was “mutually assured disruption in practice”.
“Even as tariff threats have cooled, tech, capital and security frictions keep heating up,” he said. “Releasing the list weeks before a leader-level summit shows deliberate compartmentalisation: stabilising trade talks while sustaining pressure in national security lanes.” Henrietta Levin, a US-China expert at the CSIS think-tank, said Beijing would be upset but the move was unlikely to derail the Trump-Xi summit.

“Chinese officials may lament how the administration is not doing enough to foster a ‘positive atmosphere’ ahead of the anticipated summit between Trump and Xi this spring,” Levin said. “But ultimately, Beijing is confident the results of this summit will favour Chinese interests, and they will not want to miss the opportunity to extract concessions from Trump.”
When the Pentagon makes a “Chinese Military Companies” designation, it signals that the US believes the groups have direct ties to the People’s Liberation Army or are involved in China’s military-civil fusion programme, which requires them to share technology with the Chinese military.
Inclusion on the Pentagon list does not have legal implications for most of the companies. But it creates reputational risk for them, particularly because it signals that the US may take punitive action in the future.
However, the Pentagon also put Chinese biotechnology company WuXi AppTec on the list, which will affect its operations in the US. Under the Biosecure Act, which was passed in December, the federal government is restricted from doing business with “biotechnology companies of concern”, which includes any entity on the 1260H list. But the act gives the government a five-year window to complete existing contracts and wind down arrangements with designated companies. The Pentagon does not publicly disclose many details about why a company has been added to the list.
But the China committee in the House of Representatives last year called for WuXi to be added, saying its management committee included members of the PLA’s Academy of Military Medical Sciences and PLA-run hospitals. WuXi AppTec contested its inclusion on the list. “We are not owned, controlled, or affiliated with any Chinese government agency or military institution. None of our board members or senior executive team has Chinese military or political party affiliation either,” the company said.
The Pentagon also added RoboSense, which makes AI-powered robotic technology, saying the Shenzhen-based group is a military-civil fusion contributor to the Chinese defence industrial base. It also included BOE Technology, a maker of display panels for computers and smartphones. John Moolenaar, the chair of the House China committee, in 2024 urged the Pentagon to add BOE to the list.
The defence department also removed two memory chipmakers — CXMT and YMTC — in an unexpected move. Michael Sobolik, a US-China expert at the Hudson Institute, said that given China’s commitment to military-civil fusion, it was unclear what would have changed to justify their removal.
“The reputational windfall for these companies could increase their chances of selling memory chips to American customers,” he said. “The administration is trying to break the nation’s reliance on China for critical minerals. Why would we risk opening up more dependencies?”
Alibaba is one of the highest-profile changes to the list. The NY Budgets reported in November that US intelligence believed it was providing technical support for Chinese military “operations” against targets in America.
According to a White House security memo, Alibaba also allegedly provides the Chinese government and PLA with access to customer data. Alibaba strongly rejected the allegations in the memo.
On Friday, Alibaba said there was “no basis” to conclude that it should be added to the list. “Alibaba is not a Chinese military company nor part of any military-civil fusion strategy. We will take all available legal action against attempts to misrepresent our company.”

Baidu said the Pentagon claim was “entirely baseless and no evidence has been produced that would prove otherwise”. It said it would “not hesitate to use all options available” to be removed from the list. BYD said any proposal to put it on the list was “completely unfounded”.
“BYD is not a Chinese military company, nor has it participated in any military-civil fusion strategy.”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment about why the Pentagon list was abruptly removed from the Federal Register.
February 14, 2026
China’s dominance in the open-source AI sector has alarmed both Washington and Silicon Valley, prompting a reevaluation of strategies
China’s aggressive push into open-source artificial intelligence (AI) is sending shockwaves through Washington and Silicon Valley, as free-to-use large language models (LLMs) from companies like DeepSeek, Alibaba, and others rapidly gain traction worldwide. These permissively licensed models, which allow developers and corporations to customize and deploy AI for commercial use without costly licensing fees, are reshaping the global AI landscape. This development has sparked alarm among U.S. policymakers and tech giants, who fear that Beijing’s strategy could set a new global standard for AI development, potentially eroding America’s technological dominance.
The Rise of Chinese Open-Source AI
China’s ascent in open-source AI has been swift and strategic. Companies like DeepSeek, a Beijing-based startup, and Alibaba Group, through its Qwen model, have released a series of advanced LLMs under open-source licenses, making them freely available to developers worldwide. Unlike proprietary models from U.S. firms like OpenAI and Anthropic, which often come with steep subscription costs or restricted access, these Chinese models offer high performance at zero cost, lowering barriers to entry for AI applications in industries ranging from healthcare to finance.
A Wall Street Journal report on August 13, 2025, highlighted the global adoption of these models, noting that developers in Europe, Southeast Asia, and Latin America are increasingly integrating DeepSeek’s R-1 and Alibaba’s Qwen into their software and enterprise solutions. Posts on X echo this sentiment, with developers praising the models’ performance and accessibility. One user noted, “DeepSeek’s R-1 is outperforming some paid models in coding tasks, and it’s free. This is a game-changer for small startups.”
The appeal of these models lies in their permissive licensing, which allows users to modify and deploy the code for commercial purposes without restrictions. This approach contrasts sharply with the closed ecosystems of many U.S.-based AI companies, which rely on proprietary systems to maintain competitive edges. For instance, OpenAI’s GPT-5, launched earlier this month, has faced criticism for its high subscription costs and limited accessibility for non-paying users, prompting some developers to explore Chinese alternatives.
A Wake-Up Call for Washington
The growing influence of Chinese open-source AI has caught the attention of U.S. policymakers, who view Beijing’s push as a deliberate attempt to shape global technical standards and exert soft power in the AI ecosystem. According to Foreign Affairs, policy specialists warn that Washington’s current AI strategy, which heavily favors proprietary development, risks ceding control of open-source innovation to China. “If the United States fails to account for the appeal of freely available models, American companies could surrender technological leadership in fast-moving markets like edge computing and enterprise software,” the publication noted.
This concern is amplified by China’s broader ambitions. Beijing has invested heavily in AI as part of its “Made in China 2025” initiative, aiming to establish itself as a global leader in emerging technologies. By distributing open-source models, Chinese companies are not only gaining market share but also fostering a global developer community that aligns with their standards and tools. This strategy mirrors China’s earlier success in setting global standards for 5G technology through companies like Huawei.
U.S. officials are particularly worried about the national security implications. At the Black Hat cybersecurity conference in August 2025, researchers highlighted the vulnerability of open-source LLMs to prompt-injection attacks and other manipulations, raising concerns about their use in critical infrastructure. The Biden administration has responded by exploring policies to strengthen safeguards for open-source AI, but analysts argue that a more proactive approach is needed to counter China’s momentum. “Washington needs to balance the advantages of openness with measures to protect intellectual property and national security,” said Dr. Li Wei, a cybersecurity expert at MIT.
Silicon Valley, long accustomed to leading the AI race, is grappling with the implications of China’s open-source surge. Companies like OpenAI, Anthropic, and Google, which have built their business models around proprietary AI systems, now face pressure to adapt to a market where free alternatives are gaining ground. “China is commoditizing AI,” tweeted one industry analyst. “Developers will always go with open source when available, and large businesses prefer it for privacy and customization.”
The market dynamics are shifting rapidly. The global AI market, projected to reach $1.8 trillion by 2030, is increasingly driven by enterprise adoption and edge computing, where open-source models excel due to their flexibility and cost-effectiveness. Chinese models like DeepSeek’s R-1 are particularly well-suited for edge AI applications, such as autonomous vehicles and IoT devices, where lightweight, customizable models are critical. This has led some Silicon Valley firms to reconsider their strategies, with rumors that companies like Meta AI are exploring more open-source offerings to compete.
The financial stakes are high. OpenAI, valued at $150 billion in 2024, relies heavily on its subscription-based ChatGPT Plus and API services for revenue. However, the availability of free, high-quality alternatives could erode its market share, particularly among cost-conscious startups and international developers. Similarly, Anthropic’s Claude 3.5 and xAI’s Grok 3, while competitive, face challenges in matching the accessibility of Chinese models. xAI, for instance, offers a free tier for Grok 3 on platforms like x.com, but its usage quotas are limited, potentially pushing users toward Chinese alternatives.
The proliferation of open-source AI models raises significant security and ethical questions. Cybersecurity experts warn that open-source LLMs are highly susceptible to attacks, such as prompt injections, where malicious inputs can manipulate a model’s outputs. This vulnerability is particularly concerning for applications in sensitive sectors like finance and healthcare. At the Black Hat conference, researchers emphasized the need for robust safeguards, noting that “the lessons of the past 25 years in cybersecurity have been forgotten” in the rush to adopt open-source AI.
Moreover, the global adoption of Chinese models raises concerns about data privacy and geopolitical influence. While open-source licenses allow for transparency, there is unease about the potential for Chinese firms to embed backdoors or collect metadata through widespread use of their models. U.S. policymakers are exploring regulations to address these risks, but such measures could stifle innovation if not carefully balanced.
China’s open-source AI strategy is not just about technology; it’s about global influence. By offering free, high-quality models, Chinese companies are building a global developer ecosystem that aligns with their technological frameworks. This approach mirrors the open-source software movement of the 1990s, when Linux challenged Microsoft’s dominance by offering a free, customizable alternative. Today, China is positioning itself as the Linux of AI, with companies like DeepSeek and Alibaba leading the charge.
Alibaba’s Qwen, for example, has gained significant traction in Asia and Europe, with developers citing its ease of integration and robust multilingual capabilities. DeepSeek’s R-1, meanwhile, has been praised for its performance in coding and scientific applications, making it a favorite among academic researchers and startups. These models are not only competing on price but also on quality, with benchmarks showing they rival or even surpass some Western models in specific tasks.
For Washington and Silicon Valley, the rise of Chinese open-source AI is a wake-up call. To remain competitive, the U.S. must invest in its own open-source initiatives while addressing security concerns. Some experts advocate for a hybrid approach, combining the benefits of open-source innovation with robust oversight to protect national interests. “The U.S. can’t afford to ignore the appeal of open-source AI,” said Dr. Sarah Kim, a technology policy analyst at Stanford. “But it needs a strategy that fosters innovation without compromising security.”
On the corporate front, Silicon Valley is beginning to respond. Meta AI, which has long championed open-source AI through projects like LLaMA, is reportedly accelerating its efforts to release more advanced models. Meanwhile, startups like xAI are exploring ways to expand free access to their models, such as Grok 3, to compete with Chinese offerings. For developers interested in exploring xAI’s capabilities, the company directs them to its API documentation at https://x.ai/api.
As the AI race intensifies, China’s open-source strategy has exposed vulnerabilities in the U.S.’s proprietary-centric approach. The question now is whether Washington and Silicon Valley can adapt quickly enough to maintain their edge in a market where accessibility and cost are becoming as critical as technological prowess. For now, China’s lead in open-source AI is reshaping the global conversation, forcing the U.S. to confront a future where its dominance is no longer guaranteed.
August 13, 2025
China is an obstacle to a U.S.-Vietnam trade agreement
China’s giant logistics machine was humming inside rows of metal warehouses near Ho Chi Minh City in southern Vietnam this month. Hundreds of workers packed cosmetics, clothes and shoes for Shein, the Chinese fast-fashion retailer. Recruiters needing to fill hundreds more jobs were interviewing candidates outside.
At another industrial park, owned by the supply chain arm of Alibaba, the Chinese e-commerce giant, trucks drove in and out at a steady clip.
This kind of activity, powered by Chinese money, has brought jobs to Vietnam. It is one of the forces that have made Vietnam a thriving destination for companies around the world looking for alternatives to China’s factories.
But as President Trump’s trade war is turning supply chains upside down, China’s role is emerging as the biggest obstacle for Vietnam as it tries to avoid a 46 percent tariff.
Vietnamese officials are rushing to secure a deal before a 90-day pause on the new tariffs ends in early July. They met with administration officials in Washington this week for a second round of talks. The talks will resume next month, Vietnamese officials said.
The Trump administration wants Vietnam to do more to crack down on companies that are rerouting goods from China to Vietnam to avoid tariffs, a practice known as transshipment.
But the administration is also taking a view of the issue that goes beyond the usual definition of transshipment as it tries to wean the American economy off its dependence on Chinese imports. That puts countries that rely on China to make goods they export under heavy pressure.
For Vietnam, the challenge is proving that what it sends to the United States was made in Vietnam and not in China. In a sign of the awkward position it finds itself in, Peter Navarro, a top trade adviser to Mr. Trump, recently called Vietnam “a colony of China.”
Vietnam was a big beneficiary of tariffs that Mr. Trump placed on Chinese goods during his first presidency. Its trade surplus with the United States swelled to $123.5 billion in 2024, from $38.3 billion in 2017.
The reordering of trade flows accelerated in April, when China was facing 145 percent tariffs, Vietnamese imports from China ballooned to $15 billion while its exports to the United States totaled $12 billion. Beijing and Washington have since reached a temporary deal to slash the tariffs.
“The priority for Trump is for Vietnam to fix the transshipment problem and make sure that the two countries can sign something that shows Vietnam is taking action,” said Adam Sitkoff, the executive director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Hanoi.
In response, Vietnam created a special task force this month to “aggressively crack down on smuggling, trade fraud” and “the export of goods falsely labeled as ‘Made in Vietnam,’” and its finance ministry has met with U.S. Customs and Border Protection to talk about working together and sharing information.
Despite the efforts, Trump officials have said it is not enough.
“It has become very difficult for Vietnam to justify to the U.S. government that this isn’t just rerouting Chinese goods,” said Priyanka Kishore, an economist in Singapore and the founder of Asia Decoded, a consulting firm.
“China is Vietnam’s biggest intermediate goods supplier, so if you are pushing your exports to the U.S. up, you would see an increase in imports from China,” Ms. Kishore said.
Vietnam and other Asian countries depend on China for the supplies used to make finished goods. So as production shifts from factories in China to factories elsewhere, much of the spike in exports from China to its neighbors may be raw materials used by factories.
Still, some Vietnamese imports from China are undeniably finished goods shipped through Vietnam to other countries with their origin in China disguised, which is universally considered illegal.
There is little data on exactly how much falls into the category of transshipment, Ms. Kishore said. By one estimate, rerouting activity increased to 16.5 percent of exports to the United States after Mr. Trump’s first-term tariffs on China, driven in part by Chinese-owned companies.
The prohibitively high tariffs on Chinese goods last month caused more manufacturers to seek options in Vietnam. After Mr. Trump ended a loophole that let Americans buy cheap goods from China tax free, Shein offered guidance and subsidies to factories to move operations to Vietnam. Shein did not respond to a request for comment.
Much of that activity has been the legitimate movement of the supply chain as companies shift their production out of China and into places where tariffs are lower.
But the Trump administration is taking a hard line. “China uses Vietnam to transship to evade the tariffs,” Mr. Navarro said. The goal is to put a fence around China’s exports.
“The United States seems to be arguing that anything that comes from China is by default transshipment, so you tar and feather every single product that comes from China,” said Deborah Elms, the head of trade policy at the Hinrich Foundation, an organization that focuses on trade.
Stopping illegal transshipment is one thing; disconnecting supply chains from China would be much more complicated. Most of the things that Americans buy have raw materials from China — whether it is the plastic in their children’s toys, the rubber in their shoes or the thread in their shirts.
“Asian governments are being asked to redefine supply chains to something that might be decades in the making in exchange for what? It’s a little unclear,” Ms. Elms said.
For Vietnam’s textile and garment industry, taking China out of the equation would be hugely problematic. Factories import around 60 percent of the fabrics they use from China, according to Tran Nhu Tung, the vice chairman of the Vietnam Textile and Apparel Association.
“Without China, we cannot make products,” he said. “Vietnam would have no material to produce to make the finished goods. And without the U.S., Vietnam cannot export the finished goods. So the Vietnamese government has to find a balance between China and the U.S., and it’s very difficult for them to do this.”
To try to sweeten any deal with the Trump administration, Vietnam has offered to increase its purchase of American goods like agricultural products and Boeing aircraft, and curb the shipment of Chinese goods to the United States.
But the flood of investment and hiring by Chinese companies continues to complicate things.
In the southern province of Long An, where many shoe and textile factories are based, Shein is on a hiring drive.
On a recent Friday, Huy Phong, a recruiter, hung an advertisement for jobs on the fence outside a Shein warehouse soliciting work to load goods and sort, classify and package fashion items like handbags, clothing and footwear. The pay: $385 to $578 a month. Shein needs 2,000 workers for its warehouse and has hired only half that number so far, he said.
Finding workers was hard. A lot of warehouses and logistics companies were recruiting.
Nearby, Duong Minh Giang was leaving his interview feeling dismayed. He said the job would entail handling raw materials from China like thread and chemical dye to store at the warehouse and send to nearby factories to make clothes.
“But I don’t think I will take the job,” he said. “The salary is low.”
May 24, 2025
Washington Resists Apple’s A.I. Plans for China
Apple believes the future success of the iPhone depends on the availability of new artificial intelligence features. But tensions between Washington and Beijing may cripple the tech giant’s plans to deliver A.I. in its second-most-important market, China.
In recent months, the White House and congressional officials have been scrutinizing Apple’s plan to strike a deal with Alibaba to make the Chinese company’s A.I. available on iPhones in China, three people familiar with the deliberations said. They are concerned that the deal would help a Chinese company improve its artificial intelligence abilities, broaden the reach of Chinese chatbots with censorship limits and deepen Apple’s exposure to Beijing laws over censorship and data sharing.
The scrutiny is the latest example of the challenges that Apple has run into as it tries to sustain its businesses in the United States and China at a time of rising geopolitical tensions. Three years ago, the U.S. government succeeded in pressuring the company to abandon a deal to buy memory chips from a Chinese supplier, the Yangtze Memory Technologies Corporation, or YMTC. More recently, the company has been challenged by U.S. tariffs on Chinese-made products like the iPhone, threatening to cut into the company’s profits.
Walking away from an Alibaba deal would have far graver consequences for Apple’s business in China, which accounts for almost a fifth of the company’s sales. The partnership with the Chinese tech company is critical to bringing A.I. features to iPhones in one of the world’s most highly regulated and competitive markets. Without the Alibaba partnership, iPhones could fall behind smartphones from Chinese rivals like Huawei and Xiaomi.
Officials at the White House and the House Select Committee on China have raised the deal directly with Apple executives, said the three people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media. During meetings in Washington with senior Apple executives and lobbyists, government officials asked about terms of the deal, what data Apple would be sharing with Alibaba and whether it would be signing any legal commitments with Chinese regulators. In the meeting with the House committee in March, Apple executives were unable to answer most of those questions, two of these people said.
Alibaba would help Apple compete with homegrown competitors in China. (Qilai Shen/Bloomberg)
Washington’s concern about the deal has been heightened by a deepening conviction that A.I. will become a critical military tool. The technology, which can write emails and develop software code, has the potential to coordinate military attacks and control autonomous drones. Worried about a future U.S.-Chinese conflict, Washington officials have tried to limit Beijing’s access to A.I. technology, cutting off its ability to make and buy A.I. chips.
Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois, the ranking Democrat on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, said in a statement that it “is extremely disturbing that Apple has not been transparent about its agreement.”
“Alibaba is a poster child for the Chinese Communist Party’s military-civil fusion strategy, and why Apple would choose to work with them on A.I. is anyone’s guess,” he said. “There are serious concerns that this partnership will help Alibaba collect data to refine its models, all while allowing Apple to turn a blind eye to the fundamental rights of its Chinese iPhone users.”
Apple, the White House and Alibaba did not provide comment. Apple hasn’t publicly acknowledged the A.I. deal in China, but Alibaba’s chairman, Joe Tsai, confirmed it publicly in February.
There is concern in Washington that an Apple deal with Alibaba would set a problematic precedent. U.S. companies could help Chinese A.I. providers reach more users and use the data they collect from those users to improve their models. The risk would be that Baidu, Alibaba, ByteDance and other Chinese companies could then use those improvements to help China’s military.
To limit U.S.-Chinese collaboration, the Trump administration has discussed whether Alibaba and other Chinese A.I. companies should be put on a list prohibiting them from doing business with U.S. companies, the people familiar with the deliberations said. Defense Department and intelligence officials have also been scrutinizing Alibaba’s ties to the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army.
Greg Allen, the director of the Wadhwani A.I. Center at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank, said Apple’s partnership ran counter to the bipartisan efforts in Washington to slow China’s A.I. development. Apple could be motivated to help Alibaba improve its artificial intelligence system because its A.I. could make iPhones in China more useful, valuable and easier to sell.
“The United States is in an A.I. race with China, and we just don’t want American companies helping Chinese companies run faster,” Mr. Allen said.
In addition to this scrutiny, Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, has faced new criticism from President Trump. During Mr. Trump’s trip across the Middle East this past week, he said he had “a little problem” with Mr. Cook because Apple was beginning to build products in India rather than the United States.
Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, at the China Development Forum in Beijing last year. (Tatan Syuflana/Associated Press)
“We’re not interested in you building in India,” Mr. Trump said he had told Mr. Cook. “India can take care of themselves. They’re doing very well. We want you to build here.”
Last year, Apple revamped the iPhone with new A.I. abilities that it called Apple Intelligence. It said iPhone users would be able to use its A.I. product to summarize notifications and gain access to writing tools that could improve emails and other messages. It also revealed an improved Siri virtual assistant that could combine information on a phone, like a message about someone’s travel itinerary, with information from the web, like a flight arrival time.
Apple struck a partnership with OpenAI to support some of its A.I. abilities. OpenAI’s chatbot, ChatGPT, is currently answering questions when prompted on iPhones in the United States.
Because OpenAI doesn’t operate in Beijing, Apple needed to find a local partner to give iPhones in China the same performance as those in the United States. The company spoke with several Chinese tech companies before striking a deal with Alibaba. This year, it asked Chinese regulators to approve the A.I. features.
Congressional officials were alarmed that Apple had requested approval from Chinese regulators for the Alibaba partnership, two people familiar with their concerns said. Because A.I. is an emerging field, the committee worried that Apple might make concessions or sign an agreement that would make it subject to Chinese laws.
Apple hasn’t provided an update on when the A.I. features will become available on its iPhones in China. During calls with analysts this year, Mr. Cook said sales of iPhones had been better in markets where Apple Intelligence was available.
If the deal with Alibaba collapses, there is also a potential knock-on effect because Alibaba is a major e-commerce retailer that could sell and market iPhones, said Richard Kramer, a senior analyst at Arete Research, an investment advisory firm. He said that kind of partnership had the potential to boost the iPhone after Apple’s share of smartphone sales in China fell to 15 percent last year from 19 percent in 2023.
Without Alibaba, Chinese iPhone users could download A.I. apps, Mr. Kramer said. It would make for a more difficult experience than rivals might offer.
“People will still buy their phones, but it will make it harder,” he said.
May 17, 2025